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The following essays, previously published in Les Cahiers Naturalistes, L’Esprit Créateur, PMLA, Symposium, Yale French Studies, or elsewhere, are for all those who share my fascination with Zola. In particular, they are for those students of Zola who are particularly set, like me, on exploring the sources of his enduring power: not only his naturalist theory and practice, but also his art of fiction (as marvelous as Flaubert’s, but far more hidden); his true aesthetics; his true main themes and overall structure; the poet behind the mask of the “romancier expérimental”; the mystic; the myth maker; the anguished doubter; the would-be New Messiah caught up in the great religious crisis through which the Western world is still going. CONTENTS Prophetic Myths in Zola. Zola's Use of Color Imagery in Germinal. Zola's Art of Characterization in Germinal. The Ébauche of Germinal: A Genetic Study. Remarques sur l’image du serpent dans « Germinal. » The Octopus and Zola: A New Look. The Mirror, the Window, and the Eye in Zola’s Fiction. The Survival of Romantic Pantheism in Zola’s Religious Thought. Zola, Myth, and the Birth of the Modern World. Zola: Poet of an Age of Transition. Zola's Hellenism. Zola et la lutte avec l'Ange. Germinal et la pensée religieuse de Zola. L’Assommoir et la pensée religieuse de Zola. Zola's Reflections on How to Gain Lasting Fame: A Study of His Basic Aesthetics. Zola and the Art of Containing the Uncontainable: A Study of His Overall Structure. ![]() Prophetic Myths in Zola Certain myths exerted an extraordinary hold on Zola's imagination, as one may see not only in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret (1875) but also in at least two of his greatest works, Germinal (1885) and La Débâcle (1892). These latter novels were written in a period overshadowed by the idea of decadence--the period described by Mario Praz in the last chapter of The Romantic Agony--when Wagner's Götterdämmerung and Schopenhauer's philosophy were the rage in France and such representative authors as d'Aurevilly, Verlaine, and Huysmans gave voice to a gloomy premonition that the Dies Irae of the West--decadent Latin civilization in particular--was at hand. Zola's La Joie de vivre (1884), with its setting suggestive of legendary villes englouties, came out the same year as Elémir Bourges' novel Le Crépuscule des dieux and the first volume of d'Aurevilly's La Décadence latine; and the next year, the year Germinal was published, saw the foundation of the Revue Wagnérienne. It is not surprising that nearly all the myths appearing in Zola's novels at this time reflected this widespread mood of cosmic catastrophism. Yet even where he used the same mythological themes (for example, Sodom and Gomorrah) as some of the decadents and did so in the same historical frame, the sharp differences in their approaches to history clearly emerge. For where the decadents were almost exclusively obsessed with the theme of decline and fall and a sense of "delicious death agony" (to borrow a phrase from Praz), Zola, without being indifferent to this, was predominantly concerned with the theme of cultural regeneration. Significantly, nearly all the myths evoked in the novels we have mentioned are myths of catastrophe and death but also, at the same time, of redemption and rebirth. In this respect, Zola was nearer to the mood of the present age, what Carl Jung calls "the mood of world destruction and renewal" symbolized in much contemporary art. This is not quite the same as the decadents' romantic pessimism and monotonous routine du gouffre, just as their premonition that they were living in the "twilight of the gods" is not exactly the same as our own shadowy suspicion that we are living in, to quote Jung, "what the Greeks called the 'right time' for a metamorphosis of the gods--that is, of the fundamental principles and symbols" [1]. Something of this metamorphosis (which Jung ascribes in part to the might of modern technology and science) is to be seen in Zola's treatment of mythology even more dramatically than in many of the original poetic symbols that complement and inform the factual realism of his works. It is here, in the violence he did to these images still so deeply colored for most of us with Christian, humanistic meanings, that may be perceived the full sharpness of his break with the past (with which most of the decadents still identified themselves). In his mythological and other symbols he went far beyond the "scientific" statements of his materialism in Le roman expérimental and elsewhere in the direction, for example, of the dehumanization of art, of unanimism, irrationalism, nihilism; or of an erotic mystique with affinities to D. H. Lawrence; or of a theory of history analogous, as Guy Robert has pointed out, to Nietzsche's "myth" of Eternal Return; [2] or, again, of a cult of violence (including war) as a potentially redemptive force of nature. The process involved is thus in some ways prophetic. It is not so much a matter of using myths for literary embellishment (which would have been against the grain of Zola's naturalistic aesthetics) as it is of consciously or unconsciously transforming myth into an expression of a new Zeitgeist. This prophetic quality is especially evident in such deliberately prophetic historical novels as Germinal and La Débâcle with their apocalyptic endings, but is already discernible in Zola's development of the story of Adam and Eve (and of the larger theme of man's fall and redemption) in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret. II This novel is partly an ironic repetition in modern dress of the original Biblical story, partly a variation on the original, adding to it, somewhat in the manner of Gide's version of the parable of the Prodigal Son or of the myth of Prometheus Bound. In an arid, remote corner of Provence, a young parish priest, Serge Mouret, worn out by his excessive piety, falls into a delirium bordering on madness and death. His uncle, Doctor Pascal, takes him to Paradou, a sort of terrestrial paradise, where he is nursed by a beautiful, half savage girl, Albine. A new life begins for Serge. As he regains his health and consciousness, the episodes of the story of Genesis are repeated: Adam's delight in creation, his dream, the creation of Eve, the temptation, disobedience, shame, expulsion, suffering, and death. For this nineteenth-century Adam and Eve, however, the temptation is to make love. The irony, not to say sarcasm, underlying the repetition of the Biblical story becomes increasingly apparent as the novel unfolds. The basic ironic device is simple and consists mainly in reversing the roles of the original personae. This was hardly very original with Zola; Mikhail Bakunin, for example--and one knows that Bakunin was fairly well known in French circles at the time and had had close relations with Zola's friend Turgenev--had employed the same device in a seriocomic account of the same story in the first chapter of Dieu et l'état, where he had treated Jehovah as a sadistic tyrant and had praised Satan as the first great revolutionary. In fact, the differences and similarities between the anarchist and naturalist versions of the myth, as suggested in the following fragments from Bakunin, are interesting as indications of the directions taken by the popular philosophical materialism of the period: Jéhovah, qui, de tous les bons dieux adorés par les hommes, fut certainement le plus jaloux, le plus vaniteux, le plus féroce, le plus injuste, le plus sanguinaire, le plus despote et le plus ennemi de la dignité et de la liberté humaines, Jéhovah venait de créer Adam et Eve, par on ne sait quel caprice, peut-être pour se donner des esclaves nouveaux. Il mit généreusement à leur disposition toute la terre, avec tous ses fruits et tous ses animaux, et ne posa qu'une scule limite à cette complète jouissance: il leur défendit expressément de toucher aux fruits de l'arbre de la science. Il voulait donc que l'homme, privé de toute conscience de lui-même, restât une bête éternelle, toujours à quatre pattes devant le Dieu "vivant," son créateur et son maître. Mais voici que vient Satan, l'éternel révolté, le premier libre-penseur et 1'émancipateur des mondes! Il fait honte à l'homme de son ignorance et de son obéissance bestiales; il 1'émancipe, imprime sur son front le sceau de la liberté et de l'humanité, en le poussant à désobéir et à manger du fruit de la science [3]. Zola was, however, the first great novelist to have done this sort of thing and to have done it, needless to say, in greater detail. He also went much further than Bakunin in his reshaping of the myth. In so far as the story of Adam and Eve provided him with a convenient means for attacking Christianity with its own symbols, his treatment of it may appear no less superficial and rhetorical than the anarchist's in some respects. Yet there is much more to the book than this. There is an incongruous lyrical side in which it becomes apparent that even while he was tearing down by his irony the traditional religious version he was still (as there are indications that Bakunin also was) under the power of the myth itself, which had grown for him into a symbol of his own materialistic "religion." What he disliked in Christianity was above all its bloodlessness, its rejection of the senses and of nature, its cult of death and suffering, its idealism and inculcation in Western man of a sense of anxiety and guilt. To the pale lilies of Mary and the way of the Cross, he opposed an Eden transformed into the natural paradise of eighteenth-century philosophers. The old story, for Bakunin, had value as a profoundly true, if naively stated, expression of his belief that all human progress resulted from man's possession of two priceless faculties: reason and the need to revolt against the animality of his origins. For Zola, it was a powerful symbol of the happiness possible to the man who has consciously returned to a state of complete integration with nature. Alternating with the attack on Christianity, there is a paean of praise to nature, "the sovereign of all beings," which recalls the closing passages (possibly written by Diderot) of Holbach's Système de la nature, almost certainly the book alluded to by Zola in the next-to-the-last chapter [4]. The novel contains a series of symbolic parallels between elements of Zola's naturalistic version of the myth and corresponding elements of the Biblical version. The guardian angel of the old version is represented by the brutal, farcical Frère Archangias. The guardian angel of the new version is Jeanbernat, the "philosophe." Jehovah looking down on creation in the old story is contrasted in the renewed myth to the sun, symbol of the Enlightenment and of the life-giving forces of nature. The most curious of these parallels may be found in the two symbolic trees that Zola has placed in his garden. The first suggests the old forbidden tree much as it has been traditionally conceived. Enshrined at the end of a dark glade that significantly resembles a church nave, it gives an impression of unlimited revolt, pride, aspiration, will: Au centre d'un tapis d'herbe fine, un caroubier mettait comme un écroulement de verdure, une Babel de feuillages, dont les ruines se couvraient d'une végétation extraordinaire. Des pierres restaient prises dans le bois, arrachées du sol par le flot montant de la sève. Les branches hautes se recourbaient, allaient se planter au loin, entouraient le tronc d'arches profondes, d'une population de nouveaux troncs, sans cesse multipliés. Et sur 1'écorce, toute crevée de déchirures saignantes, des gousses mûrissaient. Le fruit même du monstre était un effort qui lui trouait la peau. (p. 226) The young priest and Albine fail to find in its shade the superhuman happiness they are looking for, and they continue their search for the true forbidden tree with its promise of "unlimited joy" and its shade "of which the charm brings death." At last they discover it. In contrast to the false tree with its painful effort and self-destructive power, it is a symbol of nature, fecundity, health, and ecstatic union with life: Il avait une taille géante, un tronc qui respirait comme une poitrine, des branches qu'il étendait an loin, pareilles à des membres protecteurs. Il semblait bon, robuste, puissant, fécond; il était le doyen du jardin, le père do la forêt, l'orgueil des herbes, l'ami du soleil qui se levait et se couchait chaque jour sur sa cime. De sa voûte verte, tombait toute la joie de la création; des odeurs de fleurs, des chants d'oiseaux, des gouttes de lumière, des réveils frais d'aurore, des tièdeurs endormies de crépuscule. Sa sève avait une telle force, qu'elle coulait do son écorce; elle le baignait d'une buée de fécondation; elle faisait de lui la virilité même do la terre.... Par moments, les reins de l'arbre craquaient; ses membres se raidissaient comme ceux d'une femme en couches; la sueur de vie qui coulait de son écorce, pleuvait plus largement sur les gazons d'alentour, exhalant la mollesse d'un désir.... L'arbre alors défaillait avec son ombre, ses tapis d'herbe, sa ceinture d'épais taillis. Il n'était plus qu'une volupté. (pp. 261-262) In its delicious shadow, surrounded by the "accouplement du parc entier," the couple, rid at last of all anxiety and guilt, finds terrestrial salvation in each other's arms. Like Adam and Eve, they must die; for death inevitably follows love, in accordance with "la fatalité de la génération" (p. 266). Yet death, the same for men as for plants, need be neither painful nor tragic. Immortality of a sort is not ruled out, new forms arising with each spring out of the ruins of the old, the seed continuing the life of the parent. Thus the scene where Satan tempts man to his fall is transformed in the revised myth into scenes in which a benevolent nature in revolt against superstition leads man back to the true path of redemption. The tragedy of the novel results from Serge's inability to accept the happiness that has been offered him. Incapable of freeing himself from his ingrained scruples, he is easily led back by the sadistic Archangias to his parish, where he spends his days and nights in anguished penitence and futile supplication before the Cross. Yet Nature, which he has disobeyed, takes revenge. In a thunderingly symbolic scene at the climax of one of Serge's hallucinations, the Tree invades the Church and destroys it, crucifix and all. Renouncing Grace, charity, his vows, his faith itself, Serge tries to regain his lost paradise in Paradou. But it is too late. Neither a good Christian nor a good pagan, be is doomed to live out the rest of his days in a state of impotent nothingness. This morbid condition--and Serge is primarily a type representative of certain moral and spiritual tendencies ascribed by Zola to the declining period of the Second Empire ominously foreshadows Charles Péguy's characterization of Europe after 1881, which Péguy dated not without reason as the beginning of the monde moderne: the world without faith or soul, "un zéro de monde," neither "la cité paienne" nor "la cité chrétienne," but "un zéro de cité." Zola's own pose in the novel is, of course, vigorously neopagan. While typical decadents still fundamentally worked within the Christian, humanistic moral framework and often openly allied themselves with the Church, Zola was striving as energetically as Nietzsche to destroy not only Christianity but its ethical heritage in secular society. In revolt against traditional conceptions of good and evil, he did not perhaps succeed in ridding himself of the idea of evil itself, but, as one may see, for example, in the description of the false forbidden tree, he appeared to regard it, like Nietzsche, without charity, as a form of sickness, a diseased monstrosity of nature. Redemption was to be attained through the individual's affirmation of his natural goodness and renunciation of his supposed uniqueness from the rest of the living cosmos. And the whole cosmos is presented in this novel as endowed with intense life. In La Faute de 1'abbé Mouret, as in Germinal, La Terre and La Débâcle, there is a tendency to give men animal traits, animals human traits, and physical objects animated traits--a tendency in which one may see symbolized the philosophical unanimism described by Zola in a letter to Jules Lemaitre 'who had objected to the lack of "psychology" in is portrayal of character. Explaining to Lemaitre that he gave the brain only the importance it deserved among the many other organs, Zola asserted that the quarrel over his characters was a quarrel between philosophers: "L'Ame que vous enfermez dans un être, je la sens épandue partout, dans 1'être et hors de l'être, dans l'animal dont il est le frère, dans la plante, dans le caillou" [5]. Obviously, the "life-giving myth of the inner man which Christianity has treasured up" for Western man and which, as Jung warns, "he is on the point of losing" [6] has already almost completely disappeared from Zola's naturalistic philosophy. It has been replaced by the modern myth of a material cosmos endowed with a single life, that is to say by what might be called Zola's "myth" of fecundity--of a godlike nature engaged in a single, perpetually self-renewing vital process in which all the elements are so inextricably involved that human life and death in the traditional sense have lost their meaning. In this process, the individual human will, not to mention the individual human reason, plays at best a dubious part. The world is resolved into something like the purely aesthetic continuum ascribed by F. S. C. Northrop to Oriental thought. In fact, Taine, reading La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, was reminded of the mentality, if not the philosophy, of the East. "C'est l'Eden, une vallée de Cachemire," he wrote Zola. "Rien de plus enivrant; cela fait penser à un poème persan, à des morceaux des épopées indiennes" [7]. The modern reader might think more readily of certain tendencies of twentieth-century philosophy--the tendency to regard the cosmos as an evolving organic whole, for example, or, again, certain contemporary forms of irrationalism. Happiness had for Zola an irrational basis. This is evident in the episode of the Tree. In particular, Eros was for him the way to terrestrial salvation--a love shorn of most of the usual traditional literary and religious associations and meanings. He was one of those who have restored in our own era something of the pagan cult of the primitive sexual act in the place of Christian caritas, neo-Platonic idealism, romantic sentimentality, and decadent-romantic unnatural eroticism. He surrounded sex with a mystique that identified it with all the vital, regenerative forces of nature. In some respects, Zola's treatment of this subject anticipates the cult of sex of modern fascists. Or it may suggest the eroticism of a D. H. Lawrence. As for Lawrence, Zola's Eros is in some ways a substitute for divine Grace, but the virtues that it imparts are intensely pagan ones--virility, strength, courage, physical joy, ecstatic awareness of one's animality, and unity with nature. (If Zola compared Paradou to Eden, he also compared it to the "parc de la Belle au Bois dormant" [p. 52].) Like Lawrence, furthermore, Zola took delight in employing erotic words capable of shocking his more prudish readers. For example, he used in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret the word fornication--in a figurative as well as literal sense: The work of man, like the labor of his pagan peasants, in les Artauds, is to "fornicate with the earth." In short, sex had in Zola's thought, as in Lawrence's, a place roughly analogous to the place of the individual will in the philosophies of Schopenhauer and Nietzsche--the counterpart in the individual of the universal urge to live. Along with Zola's quasi-religious eroticism, unanimism, paganism, and along with his tendency toward an irrational, poetic cult of primitive natural forces, there is also a lurking hint of nihilism in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret. This modernized version of the myth of Adam and Eve may be a paean to nature, a wild hymn to life; nevertheless, there is a threatening darkness in the philosophical background: Jeanbernat, the guardian of Paradou, indicates the whole horizon, earth and sky. "Il n'y a rien, rien, rien ... Quand on soufflera sur le soleil, ça sera fini," he says in Part I (p. 52), and he repeats the same fear toward the end of the book: "Allez, j'avais raison, il n'y a rien, rien, rien ... Tout ça, c'est de la farce" (p. 417). III These conscious or unconscious tendencies are more radically symbolized in Germinal, where there is a discreet, yet significant, application of Christian, Celtic, and Greco-Roman mythology. It was perhaps inevitable that myths should find their way into this novel (which Henry James and Havelock Ellis regarded as one of Zola's two or three works most likely to survive and which André Gide selected in 1946 as one of the ten greatest French novels). The subject is not only epic, but prophetic--even apocalyptic in scope. The strike in the coal mines, as Zola's notes and letters prove, is a frame through which he can portray the history of modern class warfare while prophesying the shape of things to come. "C'est là qu'est l'importance du livre: je le veux prédisant l'avenir," he wrote in the first paragraph of his Ebauche, "posant la question qui sera la question la plus importante du xxe siècle" [8]. This could not be done without indicating his subjective vision of history, and this required a use of intensely suggestive symbols of the sort that myth provides. Even where it was not a matter of adapting specific myths from the past, his imagination in writing Germinal was unmistakably mythopoeic. As a careful examination of the novel and voluminous working notes shows, his method of composition was here almost precisely the method he suggested to Céard, soon after the publication of Germinal, in a letter on the subject of the synthesis that existed in practice, if not theory, between his realism and his poetry. The secret of his art, he implied, was to be discovered in the "mechanism" of his "Mensonge," his manner of imposing his inner vision on his objective imitation of reality. This fictional "lie," as he said--or fictio--was to give the impression that he was a scientifically objective portrayer of documentary facts, whereas factual details were for him primarily a "tremplin"--or springboard--from which he could mount toward poetic symbol. As be suggested in the same letter, this movement was in the direction of a more effective expression of reality than factual description alone could provide: "Or-c'est ici que je m'abuse peut-être-je crois encore que je mens pour mon compte dans le sens de la vérité. J'ai I'hypertrophie du détail vrai, le saut dans les étoiles sur le tremplin de l'observation exacte. La vérité monte d'un coup d'aile jusqu'au symbole" [9]. There is no doubt that this is a more exact description of Zola's art during his best creative period than Le Roman expérimental. His fiction is not, in practice, so much the result of any application of the scientific experimental method (and where Zola tried hardest to be a scientist he was at his poorest as an artist) as it is the product of the peculiarly modern tension between the modern scientific mind and the primordial mythopoeic mind, each of which has its own manner of discovering and representing truth. His art, in Germinal, is par excellence the art of an era in which myth and science are in theory opposed, but tend, in practice, to assume at times each the form of the other. As examples of the mythopoeic forms taken by Zola's imagination in this novel, his tendencies, already observed in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, to turn men into animals, give beasts human traits, and personify physical objects might be mentioned. Winds cry famine; clouds flee in horror; industrial structures assume the shapes of enormous man-devouring beasts or of titanic giants struggling against death as they are swallowed up by the trembling earth. The old mine horse Bataille is referred to as a sage, a "philosophe" (I, 65; II, 195), and does indeed dream, like a Platonic philosopher in his cave, of a symbolic sun. Human characters, on the other hand, are given animalistic names like "Chaval" and are described as ants, snakes, cats, sheep, dogs, wolves, and so on. And they are given bestial or nonhuman traits--La Maheude, the symbol of proletarian motherhood, with her canine breasts and breath that steams like a panting dog's, Mouquette with her gigantic buttocks, and the like. Another, La Brûlé, Zola wrote in his notes, was to be made into a demoniac--"une énergumène" (MS. 10308, fol. 43), and Bonnemort was to be "une chose" (MS. 10308, fol. 32). Zola's vision of collective humanity in Germinal is no less mythopoeic than his portrayal of individuals--an expression of a biologically oriented, unanimistic materialism which has little place for either the Christian or humanistic concept of humanitas. No one has described this vision better than Lemaitre: "Les hommes apparaissant, semblables à des flots, sur une mer de ténèbres et d'inconscience: voilà la vision philosophique, très simple, dans laquelle ce drame se résout . . . ." [10]. Where Lemaitre showed his Christian, humanistic bias, however, was in calling this pessimistic, for, underlying as it does almost the whole of modern materialism, it has by no means always been taken as a pessimistic vision of man by materialists themselves, who, on the contrary, have sometimes been curiously exalted by it. The myths, symbols, and images expressing Zola's intuition of man, nature, and history in Germinal are nearly all involved in his development of its two principal metaphorical themes, the Underworld and the Deluge. The idea of comparing the setting of a proletarian novel to hell is in itself, of course, hardly less banal than the analogy between social upheaval and a catastrophic storm, but Zola succeeded in constructing out of these admittedly prosaic inspirations intensely poetic and expressive symbols of his revolutionary modern thought. In doing so, he revived two of the most universal archetypes of myth with something coming very close to their original force. It is not a matter of scattering here and there a few random images, but of weaving into the basically realistic fabric of the novel a multitude of analogies and metaphors arranged in a manner which is not at all haphazard, whether consciously intended by Zola or not. The progress of the storm theme, for example, may be followed from its foreshadowing in the overturelike first chapter--in the sea-tempest imagery and crying winds sweeping 'l'embrun aveuglant des ténèbres" across the road, which "se déroulait avec la rectitude d'une jetée" (I, 1)--to the approach of the storm in the imagery of the hectic, explosive description of the miners' summer festival in Part III, Chapter ii, and from here on through two great climaxes--the human flood thundering across the plain in Part V and the catastrophic, apocalyptic descriptions of the inundated mines in Part VII--to its last traces in the fleeing little red clouds perceived by Etienne as, startled by the loud song of a lark, he looks up at the prophetic sunrise of a new Age of Gold. Although the hasty reader may be no more consciously aware of the storm theme than the average cinema goer may be of the background music of a film, a study of Zola's development of the theme will show that he had in mind no ordinary storm, but a vast, cosmic upheaval reminiscent of the Great Flood of Genesis or of the earthquakes and fiery, watery disasters that recur in early Greek mythology in the wars between the Titans and the early reign of Zeus. In short, one is very far here from a merely artistic analogy, or romantic parallel, between man and nature; nor can one speak properly here of the pathetic fallacy, which can hardly exist as such in Zola's unanimistic philosophy, in which everything alike is a force of a single nature endowed with a single life. It is a storm that includes the blood and tears of men quite as much as rain and snow. And nature in Germinal does not simply reflect the social drama; earth and heaven intervene in the human struggle, like Homeric gods. Which is it, for instance, that exerts the more compelling force upon the mob of strikers, described in terms of a steadily mounting stormy tide, during the midnight strike meeting in the forest--the self-appointed leaders, who themselves flash in the shadows like lightning, or the large, white moon that slowly rises throughout the chapter until its apotheosis (at what would have been the exact center, or pivot, of the book if Zola had not belatedly added Part VII) in the final sentence of the chapter? And, opposed to the moon, symbol of the mad violence of the strike, there is the sun, which slowly rises in the last chapter of the book as a symbol of the sane force of nature that will ultimately bring forth the new Golden Age as surely as the sun itself brings back spring. And it is here, in the final pages, that Zola presents a vision of nature as earth-mother bringing forth, as in the myth of Deucalion and Pyrrha, a new and hardier race of men springing up from under the growing wheat-an autochthonous race well adapted to labor and the struggles that will result in the return of paradise. The storm theme is thus, as Zola has developed it, a major expression of his thought--and particularly of his vision of history. Besides symbolizing his materialism and unanimism, it suggests--especially since the progress of the storm parallels and reflects the sequence of the seasons-already something of the cyclical view of history that Guy Robert has detected in La Terre. It also suggests the tendency on Zola's part, concerned as he is with the problem of social death and regeneration, to regard catastrophe and violence as potentially beneficent forces of nature. Like the great floods of mythology, the flood of Germinal is at once destructive and reconstructive, and it is principally through it that the setting of the novel is transformed from a Dantesque vision of the underworld into the spectacle of a new world in the full throes of creation [11]. Myths from the old world are borrowed to help express the birth of the contemporary world. This includes Christian myths and symbols, for just as Dante and Milton, whom Zola admired, subordinated pagan myths to Christian ones, Zola, representative of the new mentality, reversed the process and incorporated Christian symbols into a neopagan mode of thought. This appears in his symbolic treatment of the setting, which he had told himself in his notes to make into "un véritable enfer" (MS. 10307, fol. 420). The novel begins with what is, at least metaphorically, a descent into the underworld. It is undeniable that much of the imagery employed in this section and in the description of the interior of the Jean-Bart pit in Part V, Chapter ii, is strongly reminiscent of traditional Christian conceptions of the infernal--in, for example, Zola's heavy use of the colors red and black, his treatment of the superstructure of the Voreux mine as a sort of gueule d'enfer, his depiction of the receiving shed as an infernal church with suggestions of the Black Mass, his repeated applications of the serpent image (become, in Germinal, a symbol apparently of the capitalist system), his descriptions of bestiality, vice, and torture in the mines, his evocation of smoke, flames, the extremes of heat and cold, the "sixième voie, dans 1'enfer" (I, 38), and so on. Toward the end of the novel, however, Christian imagery of hell gives way to allusions suggestive of medieval Celtic myths of the underworld (II, 200, 208, 220)--tales of engulfed towns and cathedrals, of the sort that also fascinated the symbolists. It is perhaps the significance of these stories that the dead are separated by only the very thinnest of veils from the living and that the simplest act of interest and generosity on the part of the latter could bring the former back to life. In the most dramatic of this type of allusion in Germinal, a young engineer, Négrel, has bravely had himself lowered in a basket deep down into the broken shaft of the Voreux in order to inspect the damage. Having passed through a shifting subterranean water deposit called the "torrent," ("cette mer souterraine aux tempêtes et aux naufrages ignorés," he hears far below him under the flooding waters frantic cries for help, and, "très loin dans le jeu des grandes ombres mouvantes," he seems to see "des rues, des carrefours de ville détruite" (II, 200). It is Négrel's suddenly acquired feeling of solidarity with the working class that helps more than anything else to bring out the dramatic rescue of the hero--a prophetic scene culminating in a moving fraternal embrace between Etienne and Négrel, suggestive of the utopian social order that might result from social cooperation. Greco-Roman mythology is, nevertheless, more strongly suggested than either Christian or Celtic symbolism in Germinal. With one or two exceptions, all the explicit mythological allusions scattered throughout the novel are classical: Furies, Ceres, the Golden Age, Tartarus, and so on. The peculiarity of these allusions is that they all suggest not just any Greco-Roman myths but particularly stories of the Creation and the War of the Gods: the primordial cosmic struggles between Uranus and Cronus, Cronus and Jupiter. The Furies leaped into being from the blood of Uranus after he bad been grievously wounded by Cronus' iron sickle. The golden-haired Ceres was, like her father Cronus, connected with the golden harvest and, like her daughter Proserpine, associated with rites of death and of the lower world. She was also connected by the Eleusinians with ceremonies representing the alternation of life and death in nature and, apparently, the resurrection and immortality of man. The mention of Ceres in Germinal, where the same themes are developed, is therefore curious, to say the least (especially since Germinal is one of Zola's most minutely planned, carefully written novels). Again, Tartarus was the profound abysm of the earth where Uranus thrust his fearful children the Hecatonchires and Cyclopes, who were released by Jupiter at the advice of their mother, the earth-mother Gaea, to take part in his war against Cronus. It was here, also, that after ages of struggle the Titans were consigned in their turn, making of Tartarus a symbol of the destructive revolutionary forces that eternally exist deep within the earth itself. Undoubtedly, these and other subjects referred to by Zola from the same bodies of myth were of a sort particularly adaptable to the expression of his own philosophy of history and of nature. And there is every indication that his allusions to them are, whether consciously deliberate on his part or not, more than superficial. If, for instance, the ironic analogy is made between the capitalistic era and the Golden Age, it is not surprising that he should have compared Mme Hennebeau, the mine director's barren wife and the richest character in the book, to Ceres (I, 223). Nor is it surprising that here, as seven years later in La Débâcle, he should have compared proletarians to the Furies (II, 87). The analogy between the gulf of Tartarus and the ancient burning mine Tartaret has, furthermore, been given an extended development (II, 11-12). Just as Tartarus was the abode of the Titans, Tartaret is, according to the local legend of the mining region, the abode of a terrible giant, the Homme noir; and, just as the dreadful children of Uranus were called up by Gaea to fight their elder brother Cronus, the proletarians, whom Zola described collectively as "une force de la nature" (II, 66), well up out of the depths of the earth about Tartaret to wage revolutionary warfare on capital. Moreover, if at times there is a strong possible analogy to be made between Zola's concept of a revolutionary nature, always on the side of her children against their fathers, and Gaea, there is perhaps an even more obvious analogy between Zola's Dieu inconnu, a personification of capital and one of the most recurrent images in the novel, and Cronus especially since, among other things, both are shown as devourers of their children (the proletariat being the product of capitalistic society). Again, while the metaphorical flood of Germinal may remind one in some respects of the Biblical Deluge, the violence of the strike may be even more reminiscent of the catastrophes of the war between Cronus and Jupiter. Indeed, Zola's description of the destruction of the mines in Parts V and VII strongly recalls mythological images of the defeat of the Titans. The Voreux mine superstructure in Part VII is personified as a giant resting on a powerful knee. Then, as the earth trembles below it, the knee bends, the giant stands up and breaks into a staggering march as he fights against death and is at last dragged down into the gaping void below (Pt.II, pp. 206-207). There are, in addition, such an impressive number of analogies between the Greco-Roman mythical cosmos and the setting of Germinal (Oceanus and the Torrent, the Elysian Fields and Catherine's dying hallucination, the Vale of Enna and Côte-Verte) that it is almost impossible not to believe that Zola had classical mythology more or less in mind and that consciously or unconsciously he was tempted to conceive of the historical cataclysms of the modern world in terms of these ancient myths that have to do with the cyclical succession of the ages and with the metamorphosis of primitive gods [12]. In fact, the central symbol of the novel would seem to lie in his placing Côte Verte, a vale of eternal spring with its green grass and flowers blooming even in the harsh northern winter, over Tartaret (Tartarus). Over the symbol of death, violence, eternal revolution--and dependent on it--is the symbol of regeneration and eternal life. IV These themes and philosophical tendencies are even more explicitly restated in some of Zola's later works, including La Débâcle, where there is also a discreet use of Christian and pagan myth particularly the former: The Last judgment (II, 89), Babylon (II, 293), and so forth. In this novel on the Franco-Prussian war, prophetically treated as a "bouleversement cosmique," "une catastrophe sans nom, sans exemple, d'où sortirait un peuple nouveau" (II, 277), the whole ending suggests a parallel to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah--a legendary theme equally popular with such decadents as Elémir Bourges, not to mention Proust. Here, as elsewhere in Zola's novels, the style, especially where he is expressing the thoughts of his bourgeois characters, has a decidedly decadent ring: A dying soldier wandering through the burning city has the hallucination that a ball is going on in the Conseil d'Etat and in the Tuileries. "Ah! dansez, dansez donc, dans vos cotillons qui fument, avec vos chignons qui flamboient . . ." he cries, and "il évoquait les galas de Gomorrhe et de Sodome, les musiques, les fleurs, les jouissances monstrueuses, les palais crevant de telles débauches, éclairant l'abomination des nudités d'un tel luxe de bougies, qu'ils s'étaient incendiés eux-mêmes" (II, 301). And the chapter goes on in this style with repeated references to flames, sunrises, villes maudites, villes d'enfer. If Zola's style makes use of imagery of the kind also used by the decadents, his thought, however, radically differs from theirs with respect to the meaning of these images. The story of Sodom and Gomorrah, for example, retained for an E1émir Bourges something of its traditional moral and religious interpretation, as one may see in his application of it in the last section of Le Crépuscule des dieux; but Zola, as we know, has abandoned traditional concepts of good and evil, and the entire novel suggests that the fall of France (the new Sodom) was not due so much to its vice and impiety as to the fact that its culture was doomed because it had grown old. The "sin" that is inevitably punished in his fiction is to be identified with the past. The "virtue" that is always rewarded in his novels is to belong to the new-with its strength, youth, health, fecundity. Prussia conquered because it represented a brutal, primitive force. The survivors of Zola's symbolic holocausts, here or elsewhere, are not Jobs distinguished for their pious morality. What they possess in common are qualities that identify them with the primitive regenerative powers of nature. Less like Job than they are like Antaeus, they survive because they represent that portion of mankind which has kept its contact with the earth., They are peasants (like Jean Macquart in La Débâcle), revolutionary labor leaders (like the Marxist Etienne Lantier in Germinal), or even infants (La Joie de vivre). Collectively, they are the new mass man. The Cross, dramatically evoked in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, is once again summoned up in La Débâcle, this time as a paganized symbol of the agony of France: "Désormais, le cadavre était monté jusqu'à la plus terrifiante des agonies, la nation crucifiée expiait ses fautes et allait renaître" (II, 317). Zola's transformation of the image of the Son of the God of Love into the State and of the Cross into the suffering of war is, no doubt, in a tradition going back in France to Joan of Arc and surviving in our own day in, for example, the lunatic fringe of Vichy. What is truly curious about Zola's analogy, however, is its implication that warfare with all its horrors is a possible means of social purification and cultural regeneration, a glorification of catastrophe. This may surprise those who think of Zola primarily as the defender of Dreyfus, but we have already encountered the concept in Germinal with its analogy between social violence, the Deluge, winter, and the struggles between the Titans. just as Tartarus, the symbol of death and revolution, is juxtaposed to Côte-Verte, the symbol of life and eternal youth, the flames destroying Zola's modern Sodom are described against the backdrop of a prophetically symbolic sunrise. Early in Volume II, one of the heroes asks how France, victorious under the First Empire, could now be defeated by the Germans. In answer, there rises up on the horizon before his startled eyes "la vision vraie de la guerre, l'atroce lutte vitale qu'il ne faut accepter que d'un cœur résigné et grave, ainsi qu'une loi," and he is overwhelmed by what he has seen, like "un insecte joyeux, écrasé sous la nécessité de 1'énorme et impassible nature" (p. 60). The débâcle is due to "1'épuisement de la race, la disparition sous le flot nécessaire d'un sang nouveau" (II, 75). Zola recapitulates these themes in the tragic conclusion. "C'est peut-être nécessaire, cette saignée," thinks Maurice. "La guerre, c'est la vie qui ne peut pas être sans la mort" (II, 312). "Paris brûle, rien ne restera. Ah! cette flamme qui emporte tout, qui guérit tout, je 1'ai voulue, oui! elle fait la bonne besogne" (II, 317). Images from Germinal reappear--the Storm, proletarians "avec des masques creusés de furies" (II, 318), villes maudites, germinating grain, a "champ retourné et purifié, pour qu'il y poussât l'idylle d'un nouvel Age d'or" (II, 322). The Tree of Paradou is also recalled in the final sentences, which contain the essence of Zola's vision of the history of his own day: "C'était le rajeunissement certain de 1'éternelle nature, de 1'éternelle humanité, le renouveau promis à qui espère et travaille, l'arbre qui jette une nouvelle tige puissante, quand on en a coupé ]a branche pourrie, dont la sève empoisonnée jaunissait les feuilles" (II, 323). This mystique of history, cult of violence, overwhelming catastrophic sense of time, mingled fear and hope, dehumanization of man, unanimism, irrationalism, hint of nihilism, predilection for the archaic, the primitive--all discernible in Zola's metamorphosis of myth-may have its roots in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century thought, but is already very much in the spirit of the contemporary age. In Zola's use of myth one may see, above all, a symbolic expression not only of an awareness that the Christian, humanistic world is passing away but also a desire to see it go-to "détruire pour détruire," as he writes in La Débâcle (II, 331), "ensevelir la vieille humanité pourrie sous les cendres d'un monde, dans 1'espoir qu'une société nouvelle repousserait heureuse et candide, en plein paradis terrestre des primitives légendes!" PMLA, 74 (Sept. 1959), 444-452. ____________________ [1] "God, the Devil, and the Human Soul," Atlantic Monthly, cc (Nov. 1957), 63. Return. [2] "La Terre" d'Emile Zola: Etude historique et critique (Paris, 1952), pp. 383 ff. Return. [3] Dieu et l'état (originally written ca. 1871; first pub. Geneva, 1882), Nouvelle éd., Carlo Cafiero and Elisée Reclus (Paris: La Brochure Mensuelle, n.d.), pp. 3-4. Return. [4] La Faute de 1'abbé Mouret, ed. Charpentier (Paris, 1875), p. 418. Unless otherwise indicated, references to Zola's novels will be to the Charpentier edition; subsequent references to La Faute, Germinal (1885) and La débâcle (1892) will be found in the text. Return. [5] Correspondance, Les œuvres complètes, II, ed. Maurice LeBlond (Paris: Bernouard, 1927-29), 634. Return. [6] "God, the Devil, and the Human Soul," p. 63. Return. [7] 20 April 1875; quoted by Alexandre Zévaès, Zola (Paris,1945), p. 50. Return. [8] Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), MS, Fonds français, Nouvelles acquisitions, 10307, fol. 402. Zola's working notes for Germinal are contained in MSS. 10307, 10308--hereafter cited in the text. Return. [9] Correspondance, II, 637. Return. [10] Quoted by Le Blond in the appendix of Germinal, (Bernouard ed.), p. 576. Return. [11] Zola's fascination with the theme of world destruction and renewal goes back long before the fin de siècle and antedates his own naturalism. His 1869 prospectus of the Rougon- Macquart series for Lacroix indicated that he would study "des lueurs troubles du moment, des convulsions fatales de l'enfantement d'un monde" (see appendix, La fortune des Rougon, Bernouard ed., p. 354). This was already a major theme, however, of Zola's youthful projected epic poem "La genèse." Return. [12] Classical analogy is to be found in at least one of Zola's principal sources (Simonin, La vie souterraine). See I. M. Frandon's Autour de Germinal: La mine et les mineurs (Geneva, 1955), p. 21 where she quotes from Simonin. Return. ![]() Zola's Use of Color Imagery in Germinal Germinal is an almost perfect example of what Zola occasionally called his "lie"--his paradoxical manner of achieving at one and the same time both a convincing documentary realism and a strongly symbolic and subjective presentation of reality [1]. Nowhere can this be more plainly seen than in his brilliant, often surprising, use of color. Obviously he owes much in this as in other respects to such predecessors as Flaubert, but he also, more than has generally been realized, shares in the spirit of his own period. While his color terms and images always have a naturalistic basis, the art with which he distributes them throughout the narrative is quite as stylized and patterned in its own way as a canvas by Cézanne. His symbolic treatment of color, on the other hand, suggests affinities with the symbolists, who were rising to a certain prominence in Paris in 1884, the year Germinal was written. Not only does he simplify and organize his colors into a scheme consistent with his dramatic subject, a great strike; he also invests them like leitmotifs with associations expressive of all three levels of meaning of the novel-the dramatic cadre of the miners' strike, the prophetic historical étude of the struggle between capital and labor, and, finally, the underlying philosophical vision of man and nature. Often he gives a single color or group of colors at least three separate meanings which are interwoven and interrelated within the powerful unity of the whole. And, in the process, he transforms, in this and other ways, the colors of ordinary reality into the often far more intense, significant, and emotive colors of dreams, hallucinations, and apocalyptic visions. His principal naturalistic starting point is, of course, with the colors that he observes in the "pays noir," the immense coal-basin exploited by the Anzin Mining Company, where, to quote a clipping saved by him from Le Gaulois, everything is black, "les habitants, les maisons, la boue des chemins, et le ciel lui-même” [2]. In addition to the ubiquitous coal dust, he carefully records in his working notes such details as the gray sandstone, a blackened, naked miner's white eyes and teeth, a white pit horse, red lamps, the sooty red brick of the buildings, the greenish palings and green grass along the black roads, the white sand on the floors, the red and white canal barges, and the tricolor escutcheons adorning a popular dance hall. He is also impressed by the yellowed hair, reddish mustaches, anaemic skin color, and clean white shirts of the men in the corons and by the spoiled complexions and black dresses of the women and the blue and violet skirts of the girls. In short, the notes on Anzin (MS. 10308, foll. 208-319) show a complete, painstaking, almost photographic, realism. But as we follow the genesis of the novel through the various dossiers and sets of chapter plans, we see how he imposes his creative will on his material, as when, for example, in the second detailed plans for Part I, Chapter i, he omits from the beginning as sketched in the first plans the image of a "voile gris... covering the sky and of the "bande blanche" of the canal in order undoubtedly to heighten our impression of the utter blackness of the night on which the story starts (MS. 10307, foll. 8, 12). Instead of contenting himself with a purely passive, mechanical realism, be selects and stresses colors which most of us associate most readily with coal regions and which, at the same time, have the highest dramatic, spectacular, and symbolic value. He insists on these keynote colors not only in descriptions of the setting but also in his portrayal of characters, selection of names, and even choice of epithets for emotions and abstract states. Along with black, which he does everything in his power to emphasize, he gives nearly equal stress to red. Out of the 467 times that he uses color terms, 156, or more than one fourth, involve words denoting black, and about the same number, red and related hues [3]. He maintains these proportions roughly in descriptions of the setting, where black dominates red in each of the seven parts of the novel, except Part V (the brutal march of the mob across the plain). He also employs primarily red and black in depicting characters, although here, in contrast, red is more frequent, except in Part II, where he concentrates most of his detailed observations concerning the appearance of the inhabitants of Anzin, and Part VII, where, out of a total of forty color terms applied to characters, fourteen denote black, and only twelve, red. If, moreover, we take into account only instances of color terms being employed to characterize emotions and abstract conditions, we find that, out of forty-seven such cases, thirty-four make use of red, and six, black. In short, he strongly stresses these two colors in every category where color terms may be applied. In every category, furthermore, he goes out of his way to create images or sequences of images in which red and black are juxtaposed, as in the description of night and flames in the opening chapter or in the description of the plain by day in Part II, Chapter ii, where we see a miner's wife pulling her starving children along a road unwinding "ses deux lieues de pavé, qui filaient droit comme un ruban trempé de cambouis, entre les terres rougeâtres" [4]. Introducing the villainous Chaval, he writes that "ses moustaches et sa barbiche rouges flambaient dans son visage noir" (p. 55), and, in the course of a fight between two women in the pit screening room, he says, "Les chignons volaient, les mains restaient marquées en noir sur les faces rouges" (p. 72). He gives characters names suggesting red and black, like Le Rouge and Négrel. He ascribes to the local folklore of his fictional community two frightening mythical figures: the "Homme noir" and "une fille rouge comme un poêle, avec des yeux pareils à des tisons" (p. 320). He even joins red and black as adjectives used to qualify emotions, as when, in the course of analyzing the mounting revolutionary fervor of a strike leader, he writes, "Cela l'exaltait, une gaîté rouge se dégageait de sa crise de noire tristesse, chassant le doute, lui faisant honte de cette lâcheté d'une heure" (p. 247). In such examples, it already becomes apparent to what extent color imagery provides a means of introducing the imagination of the artist into what is intended to be received as a primarily naturalistic document, for not only has Zola imposed upon the whole novel a definite, restricted color scheme, in which red and black are stressed twice as much as all other colors together, but he has also combined these colors in a way which transcends simple realism and suggests deliberate structural and poetic aims. It is not surprising to learn that he thought of the novel in painterly terms and, more specifically, conceived of its chapters and other formal divisions as compartments of a great fresco [5]. The unity of the composition is assured by the constant, sometimes overwhelming, repetition of words and images suggesting red and black throughout the entire length of the work. Noir or a derivative is mentioned from one to ten times in each of the forty chapters (except III.iv, IV.ii, VI.iii). Rouge, a derivative, or close synonym appears from one to seven times in every chapter (except II.i, III.iv, IV.ii, VI.ii). White, the third major color in order of frequency in the novel as a whole, where it occurs eighty times, also occupies third place in each part, although not in every chapter. However, within this overall unity, subdivisions emerge, each of which is seen to possess upon reflection a more or less distinctive coloration. Most of Part I is submerged in black darkness illuminated by red flames. Part II is predominantly gray and black in imagery with relatively frequent references to blue. In Part IV the most impressive imagery is black and white with no blue whatsoever, and red is reserved only for the description of characters and emotional states (e.g., rougir as a synonym for to feel shame, etc.). In Part V, on the other hand, where the violence of the strike breaks out in full fury, red dominates all major descriptive categories, and other colors, except black and white, are almost missing. Within these larger divisions, individual chapters are distinguished by individual color schemes composed of a small number of hues selected from the master palette. In the first chapter, which is in many ways a kind of prelude, or overture, announcing the main themes to follow, all the color terms used most frequently in the novel are introduced with the exception of green. Subsequently, however, only one, two, or three colors may usually be found in a single chapter, where they are often mentioned repeatedly in such a way as to give a surprising degree of visual unity and expressive value. We may see this, for example, in Part VII, Chapter ii, in which Souvarine sabotages a mine, where Zola stresses the same cold, light, somewhat pastel, shades that he uses earlier when first describing this sinister anarchist in Part III, Chapter i. White, repeatedly associated with the wealthy, idle Grégoire family throughout the novel, is the characteristic color of Part II, Chapter i, where the Grégoires and their household are first introduced. Similarly, metallic tones, which fittingly enough are emphasized in descriptions of the mine director M. Hennebeau and his rich wife, provide distinctive coloration to Part IV, Chapter i, where we see this couple entertaining at home; and in the following chapter, which continues the action, only yellow hues are used--the yellow mustaches of the miners and the tarnished golden tones, the "vieilles soies aux tons fauves," etc., of the director's salon. All in all, Zola achieves within the quite limited group of simple primary colors which he prefers in Germinal--colors suited to the popular, epical nature of the book--an impressive variation. He also, through his use of color, helps give each narrative division the sort of strong coherence and distinctness envisaged in his original working notes for the Rougon-Macquart series [6]. The formal unity of a narrative section may further be assured by a remarkable and fairly frequent use, perfectly consistent with his artistic procedure in general, of color imagery as frames. In at least sixteen chapters the first and last color terms mentioned denote the same colors. As for the larger sections, Parts I and II, comprising a single day in the life of a typical family of workers, are framed with almost identical nocturnal scenes of the vast mining plain in which the same colors are repeated--an immense blackness lighted by blue and red flames. In Part III, the first and last color terms denote black. Part IV is not framed, but Part V, otherwise overwhelmingly red, begins and ends on images of black and white. Part VI starts with a reference to "black cold" and finishes with a description of the freezing corpses of strikers lying among the "taches d'encre du charbon, qui reparaissaient sous les lambeaux salis de la neige" (p. 452). The color imagery of Part VII, the denouement, begins with the phrase "nuit noire" in the first paragraph and terminates with “une armée noire" in the last sentence. Black is thus the frame of the entire novel as well as the color most often used to begin or end the smaller units. At the same time, he intensifies and dramatizes colors in such a way as to produce a more vivid impression than in ordinary life. One of the main devices that he uses to accomplish this is contrast. In the early Rougon-Macquart working notes, he declares that he intends to show: "L'élément femme pondéré avec l'élément homme. Le noir pondéré avec le blanc, la province avec Paris" [7]. And, as it turns out, he applies all of these principles quite literally in Germinal, where black and white are frequently and powerfully opposed. It is significant, for example, that, in contrast to his descriptions of proletarians, in which black is emphasized along with red, his portrayals of the Grégoires, at the other end of the economic scale, stress not only white, as we already know, but often the most brilliant whites imaginable-shining snow-white hair, a white tablecloth, white sheets, a white nightgown, white bread, etc. Green, the complement of red, is used less often, but with great effectiveness, considering, among other things, its vernal associations suggestive of the title of the novel, where the themes of revolution and the rebirth of nature are inseparably combined [8]. It is remarkable, for instance, that whereas red dominates along with black the initial sentences of the book, the last paragraph, except for the final image, is an evocation of intense green. In general, the remaining colors of the novel often tend to group into combinations expressing the same contrasts indicated in his use of black and white, red and green-proletarians and capitalists, winter and spring [9]. At one extreme, stand black and red, at the other, shining whites, springtime greens, and harmonies emphasizing soft pinks and blues, golds, fashionable shades like bleu marine, and relatively poetic terms like azur, rose, and carmin. The pink cardboard box which Maheu gives his wife as a courtship present stands out in pathetic contrast to the crude, sad coloration of the rest of their house, and its disappearance during the rigors of the strike marks the advent of utter poverty. Occasionally, opposing colors are used to heighten irony. During the grimmest period of the story, just before old Bonnemort is about to strangle Cécile Grégoire, who has come on a ridiculously ineffectual errand of charity, Zola writes that nothing remained in the room except "les portraits de l'Empereur et de l'Impératrice, dont les lèvres roses souriaient avec une bienveillance officielle" (p. 508). Similarly, towards the end of the account of Zacharie's tragic attempt to save his sister trapped in the mine, the black, burnt, unrecognizable corpse of the young man is quickly followed by descriptions of the mine director's haughty wife arriving on the scene "en toilette bleu marine" and of a party of bourgeois who have driven out in a carriage to view the disaster "sous l'azur tendre de la belle journée" (p. 506). But contrast is not the only device employed by Zola to heighten our awareness of color and bring out the basic themes of the novel. Among other techniques, he makes intensive use of repetition, as we see in his constant insertion of terms for red and black in a fairly even stream from chapter to chapter or in his rhythmic repetition of colors as epic epithets (e.g., "le cheval jaune," I.i). Occasionally within a given passage he will even achieve such a high concentration of words and images all exclusively evoking a single hue or narrow harmony that the page itself, as it were, will almost seem to glow, as in the opening chapter, which is crowded with details suggestive of red (beets, blood, etc.) including even a proper name, Le Rouge. A similar technique is encountered in Part V, Chapters v and vi, where the fiery red coloration which Zola clearly wishes to bestow on the entire section is heightened by recurrent allusions to blood, flames, and other details suggesting red, including repeated mention of the Hennebeaus' new chambermaid, Rose, whom we meet here for the first time, and who is possibly included for her name alone. Furthermore, as elsewhere in many of his novels, he takes pleasure in a most lavish use of colored light. Scene after scene unfolds in dramatic blackness or in the spectacular red, blue, gray, silver, or golden light of flames, suns, and moons. The central proletarian characters are all first visualized coming out of darkness into a burning red light. In Part I, Chapter i, Etienne Lantier, the leader of the strike, is introduced drawing near to a coal fire to warm his hands bleeding with the cold. In the same red glow we first see Bonnemort; and as this old symbolic figure embodying the history of the working class speaks, "des morceaux de houille enflammés, qui, par moments, tombaient de la corbeille, allumaient sa face blême d'un reflet sanglant" (p. 15). In following episodes Catherine Maheu and the other members of Zola's typical working-class family emerge out of darkness into the light of reddish flames, and the larger group of miners is first represented clustered around a large red-hot stove in a dark shed. But nowhere in Germinal or in Zola's other works, except perhaps the concluding chapter of La Débâcle, is there a more intense effect of deeply colored light than in the descriptions of the tragic march of the mob in the climactic scenes of Part V already mentioned, which he has illuminated prophetically with along red sunset. In contrast, the earlier description of the miners' nocturnal strike meeting in the Vandame forest produces an effect of chiaroscuro with its sharp juxtapositions of black and white as the giant beeches and the speakers haranguing the multitude are alternately lighted and cast in shadow by a rising full moon. Zola also enlivens his color imagery through exaggeration, graphic words, and metaphor. For example, he uses the adjective sanglant and related terms seventeen times as synonyms for rouge; and there is something extraordinary in the force with which he revives this not unusual comparison out of the common stock of the language, reinforces it and emphasizes it until an hallucinatory effect is produced. In a celebrated passage portraying the mob pressing past a barn in which terrified bourgeois are hiding, the sunset not only turns the vast plain the color of blood; the road is awash in this figurative blood; and the men and women in the mob are soaking with it like butchers in the midst of slaughter-an anticipation of the actual butchery of the next chapter as well as of the Dies Irae of the capitalist system: “... la colère, la faim, ces deux mois de souffrance et cette débandade enragée au travers des fosses , avaient allongé en mâchoires de bêtes fauves les faces placides des houilleurs de Montsou. A ce moment, le soleil se couchait, les derniers rayons, d'un pourpre sombre, ensanglantaient la plaine. Alors, la route sembla charrier du sang, les femmes, les hommes continuaient à galoper, saignants comme des bouchers en pleine tuerie” (p. 364). With similar poetic exaggeration, he does not show us the "pays noir" simply as it is; he intensifies its blackness by plunging us at the beginning of the novel into a blackness so deep, so thick, that nothing at all is visible at first, not even the road beneath the hero's feet. At the beginning of the next chapter, the darkness in the Maheus' house is described as a crushing weight: "Des ténèbres épaisses noyaient l'unique chambre du premier étage, comme écrasant de leur poids le sommeil des êtres que l'on sentait là, en tas, la bouche ouverte, assommés de fatigue" (p. 21). But towards the end of the book, just before Catherine's death in the depths of a flooded mine, there is an even more effective evocation of utter darkness in his use, to suggest a lamp going out, of the miners' phrase: "La mort souffle la lampe" (p. 524). If we study the changes made by him in the autograph of Germinal now at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, we see the deliberation with which he chooses words and phrases capable of giving a strong impression of color. For example, in the first sentence of the novel, which originally begins, "Dans la plaine rase, sous le ciel sans étoiles," the words "le ciel" are crossed out, and he has substituted "la nuit." In the concluding sentence of the same paragraph, the phrase "au milieu du néant des ténèbres" is altered to read: "au milieu de l'embrun aveuglant des ténèbres." In the third paragraph, the somewhat trite poetic expression "astres agonisants" applied to suspended baskets of burning coal is amended to the much more graphic "lunes fumeuses" (MS. 10305, foll. 1 ff.). Such care for the right expression obviously contributes, together with the other characteristics of Zola's style that we have mentioned, to the powerful color imagery that he has managed to produce in Germinal--a sensation as intense in its own medium as in much of the neoimpressionist painting of the same epoch. The result, as we have already begun to see, is more often than not a dreamlike effect verging on--and sometimes actually trespassing into--the realm of visions, hallucinations, and nightmare. Frequently the introduction of some particular color is accompanied by surprise, even terror. As the hero walks toward the mines at night, he is startled by the unexpected sight of red flames hanging in mid air. As he cautiously explores the dark, labyrinthine interior of the pit structures, his hands stretched out, suddenly, in front of him, two enormous yellow eyes bore through the shadows: "Devant lui, brusquement, deux yeux jaunes, énormes, trouèrent les ténèbres" (p. 31). This melodramatic use of colors to produce shock is accompanied by a taste for extraordinary combinations of colors, sometimes fanciful, often sinister, as in a description of an ancient burning mine called Tartaret, an allusion to the mythical Tartarus: "Les roches calcinées, rouge sombre, se couvraient d'une efflorescence d'alun, comme d'une lèpre. Du soufre poussait, en une fleur jaune, au bord des fissures. La nuit, les braves qui osaient risquer un œil à ces trous, juraient y voir des flammes, les âmes criminelles en train de grésiller dans la braise intérieure" (p. 316). In the white flies, white spiders, and white butterflies mentioned in the depths of another abandoned mine, Réquillart (p. 287), we begin to see to what extent his taste for the unusual, spectacular, and, at times, the macabre and the terrible involves his portrayal of animals and even of human beings. The yellow horse that comes and goes in the reddish light of Part I, Chapter i, is a fanciful image bordering on allegory. The red cat which suddenly leaps out of the Voreux mine just as it is about to cave in before the eyes of a terrified crowd in Part VII, Chapter iii, is a creature of nightmare. So also is the doomed white mine horse Bataille galloping in mortal fear through flooding galleries deep in the earth. Not knowing what it is, Etienne and Catherine cry out when they see "une masse géante, blanchâtre, sortir de l'ombre et lutter pour les rejoindre, entre les boisages trop étroits, où elle s'écrasait" (p. 515). Such images recall the strangely hued beasts of apocalyptic literature. But in the brutal, dehumanized colors with which Zola tends to depict the human figure, we are also approaching very close to the domain of prophecy and mythopoeic vision. The leading characters of the novel are red as flames or black as coal or white as snow. In Part I, Chapter iv, Catherine is a study in opposites, jet black, with white teeth and red hair contrasting with the greenish glow of her eyes. In Part IV, Chapter vii, Etienne's body flashes above the mob like lightning. An old man's face is livid with bluish spots; another is always shown with bleeding gums in a black mouth; a third, in an effect of white on white, looms against the wintry plain "tout blanc de peau et de poils" (p. 315). In Part VI, Chapter v, faces are glimpsed red, purple, and green; and here, as elsewhere, Zola also often paints the colors of death: Cécile Grégoire's blue, strangled face, the red foam dripping from Maheu's lips when his wife turns him over in a black puddle of water, or Chaval's body indistinguishable from the wall of the mine like a boss of black coal. The hallucinatory force which is apparent in Zola's description of characters and other subject material attains its peak in the frequent actual hallucinations, visions, and nightmares portrayed in the novel--all in the most forceful, dreamlike colors. In a dark stable deep in the mines two horses exchange, as they breathe into each other's nostrils, "leur continuel rêve du jour, des visions d'herbes vertes, de routes blanches, de clartés jaunes, à l'infini" (p. 440). Etienne sees his hated rival through "une vapeur rouge" (p. 522); and, after murdering him, he is haunted by a vision of the corpse, "gonflé, verdi, avec ses moustaches rouges, dans sa face broyée" (p. 528). In Part V, Chapter ii, Catherine, as she is about to faint, is on the point of seeing emerge out of the seam of coal where she is working the mythical red girl with eyes like firebrands; and, later, as she dies in the mine, she has a hallucination of the dreaded Black Man: "La perversion de ses sens en augmentait l'horreur maintenant, elle était reprise des superstitions de son enfance, elle vit l'Homme noir, le vieux mineur trépassé qui revenait dans la fosse tordre le cou aux vilaines filles" (p. 530). In the darkness in which she is plunged, she cries out, "Il est là, tu le vois, regarde! plus noir que la nuit." And, in the same scene, as she and Etienne embrace, they lose touch with reality. "Tous leurs sens se faussaient, surtout ceux de Catherine, agitée de fièvre ... Les bourdonnements de ses oreilles étaient devenus des murmures d'eau courante, des chants d'oiseaux; et elle sentait un violent parfum d'herbes écrasées, et elle voyait clair, de grandes taches jaunes volaient devant ses yeux, si larges, qu'elle se croyait dehors, près du canal, dans les blés, par une journée de beau soleil" (p. 529). The sanguine reds in which Zola paints the marching mob in Part V, Chapter v, reach a climax in the "red vision" of the proletarian revolution that terrifies his bourgeois characters: "C'était la vision rouge de la révolution qui les emporterait tons, fatalement, par une soirée sanglante de cette fin de siècle. Oui, un soir, le peuple lâché, débridé, galoperait ainsi sur les chemins; et il ruissellerait du sang des bourgeois, il promènerait des têtes, il sèmerait l’or des coffres éventrés. Les femmes hurleraient, les hommes auraient ces mâchoires de loup, ouvertes pour mordre” (p. 365). Clearly, here, quite as much as in Flaubert and other writers of the period, there is an excellent illustration of Baudelaire's well-known belief, found in L'art romantique, that, just as dreams take place in an appropriately colored atmosphere, so also a conception, to be given adequate expression in a composition, must be presented together with colors proper to it and that one hue will govern the others and become the key. Germinal is a realistic novel, but in its color imagery, as sharply as in other details, we see that it is an imitation of reality in the mind of a poet. More precisely, it is an attempt to suggest the whole of truth by combining in the same work of art both the external appearances of things and an inner world view. In the process, colors provide Zola with one of his most effective means not only for developing the deeper symbolism and underlying metaphors of the work but also, since the same colors are used both naturalistically and symbolically, for achieving unity. As we have said, the plot of Germinal may be appreciated on at least three levels. It may be read simply as a drama about a strike. Or it may be read as a somewhat allegorical dramatization of his partly historic, partly prophetic, analysis of modern class warfare. Or, again, it may be read as an illustration of his materialism, his unanimism, his vision of man and nature marked by such recurrent themes in his novels as world destruction and renewal, death and regeneration, final catastrophe and the limitless fecundity of nature--themes which combine, as Guy Robert points out in his study of La Terre, to form a philosophy of history analogous with Nietzsche's "myth" of Eternal Return [10]. In Germinal, as occasionally elsewhere in the Rougon-Macquart novels, these central ideas are expressed by a discreet series of allusions to certain ancient legends chiefly of Greco-Roman and Hebraic origin--allusions in which color imagery plays an important part. This is apparent, for example, in Zola's treatment of yellow, blond, and gold. When, to mention only one instance, he compares Mme. Hennebeau to a gilded Ceres, "Cérès dorée par l'automne" (p. 213), he is not only alluding to her blond hair or, ironically, to the barrenness of this rich heiress; he is also, just as obviously, identifying her with her allegorical function as a representative of capital in his study of class conflict; and, in the third place, he is specifically evoking an image of the goddess of the harvest, of germination and fecundity, and of death and resurrection. In similar fashion, he associates gold with working-class utopianism and, through references to the proletarians' longing for a new golden age (pp. 195, 239), with the same myths of creation, the wars of the Titans and the metamorphosis of the gods that he suggests elsewhere in the novel by allusions to Furies, Tartarus, a devouring god, a flood, men rising from the earth, and other legendary detail. As might be expected, however, the colors with the most complex symbolism are red and black, for by their continual repetition--like Wagnerian leitmotifs, as we have said--they accumulate multiple associations as the novel progresses. On the dramatic level of the strike story, they are associated with night, flames, coal, blood, mines, and miners, and, as the plot unfolds, black is also used repeatedly in connection with poverty, suffering, and death, and red, with combat and violent emotion. But red and black, together with white, the color of reaction and conservatism, are also the colors of modern class warfare, meanings given particular emphasis in Part V, with its "red vision of revolution" and, among other things, its description of the mob as "un flot noir" in contrast to the white plain, the snow-white figure of the old porion Quandieu, and Cécile Grégoire's white neck and white plume. At the same time, Zola uses red and black to express his deeper metaphors and mythological allusions. For example, the extended parallel that he establishes between the idea of social revolution, or historical change, and the endlessly recurrent cycles of nature is effectively expressed by the color red, which is both the color of blood and flames and of the rising and setting sun. Again, red and black are not only the colors of the mines or of the proletariat; they are also the colors traditionally associated in the popular mind with hell and the underworld. It is clear both from the novel and from the working notes (MS. 10307, foll. 420, 443, 448) that he envisages the mines and the degraded position of the masses within society as a form of hell and that he deliberately sets out to create this impression, largely by his emphasis on these colors in scenes representing labor. The image of an inferno is already created in the first chapter with its red and black lighting, its sense of being submerged under infernal moons and stars. In the descriptions of the mines, the blackness in which the miners work and the red glow of their lamps are exploited for the same purpose. Occasionally there are no allusions in an entire section to any other colors. In Part V, Chapter ii, for example, imagery recalling the common conception of hell is especially intense. There are allusions to serpents, to torture, to unbearable heat. "Lorsqu'ils parlaient de cette région de la fosse, les mineurs du pays pâlissaient et baissaient la voix, comme s'ils avaient parlé de l'enfer," Zola writes on the first page of this section, and a few sentences later he adds, "On s'y trouvait en pleine cité maudite, au milieu des flammes que les passants de la plaine voyaient par les fissures, crachant du soufre et des vapeurs abominables" (p. 320). As Catherine works, she is haunted by the image of the red girl condemned to the burning mine for unutterable sin. It is difficult for her to make out the figures of the other miners, their black, naked bodies almost indistinguishable in the reddish glow of their lamps: "Elle les voyait mal, à la lueur rougeâtre des lampes, entièrement nus comme des bêtes, si noirs, si encrassés de sueur et de charbon, que leur nudité ne la gênait pas. C'était une besogne obscure, des échines de singe qui se tendaient, une vision infernale de membres roussis, s'épuisant au milieu de coups sourds et de gémissements" (p. 321). And, with no references to any but the same satanic hues, the chapter continues to the end, a graphic picture of a nineteenth-century inferno. Finally, in addition to using red and black in these and other ways, Zola employs them together with his other colors to develop an analogy, which runs throughout the novel, between the strike and the class warfare that it represents and a vast storm of nature reminiscent of the legendary deluge. In the opening chapter, as we have seen, the blackness of the tempestuous night is turned metaphorically into a "blinding spray of darkness" in a passage full of storm and water imagery. Then, after this prelude, the storm theme is recommenced in earnest beginning in Part III, Chapter ii, the account of the miners' ducasse, or summer holiday. An actual July storm is gathering, he announces in the first paragraph, and in the following pages proceeds to combine with references to this natural upheaval intimations of the workers' rising discontent. Along with episodes showing the strike leaders plotting as the couples in the bal whirl faster and faster, he inserts images of the black dust rising like a storm cloud: "L'éternelle boue noire avait séché, une poussière noire montait, volait ainsi qu'une nuée d'orage" (p. 165) and "Dehors, un vent d'orage s'était levé, soufflant de grandes poussières noires, qui aveuglaient le monde" (p. 168), and each is quickly followed by an image of red (bleeding red gamecocks, the red faces of the dancers). In Part VI, Chapter iv, the storm continues high overhead (foreshadowing the clash with the troops) after the human flood, the "flot noir" of Part V: "Dans le ciel livide, on devinait la lune pleine, derrière de grands nuages, des haillons noirs qu'un vent de tempête roulait furieusement, très haut" (p. 427). Later, the cataclysm inundating the Voreux mine is accompanied by ugly rust-colored clouds passing slowly in a dirty gray sky; and it is not until the denouement, as we shall see, that the metaphor is dropped. By the time we reach these last pages, the colors of the novel have been given their full weight of meaning. Toulouse, in his curious medical treatise on Zola, discovered an unusual sensitivity to color and a marked tendency to remember things by their hues [11]. In the last chapter of Germinal colors are used with extreme effectiveness to recall whole episodes and scenes and to remind us of the essential themes and images of the novel while, at the same time, creating a poetic vision of things to come. The strike is over. The defeated miners have gone back to work. The hero, after a period of hospitalization, says farewell to his former comrades and strides off across the plain burgeoning with wheat. It is spring, April, part of what would have been, according to the Revolutionary calendar, the month of Germinal. The human storm has subsided--at least for a time. As the chapter begins, it is four o'clock in the morning. "Dans le ciel limpide, les étoiles vacillaient, tandis qu'une clarté d'aurore empourprait l’orient. Et la campagne noire, assoupie, avait à peine un frisson, cette vague rumeur qui précède le réveil" (p. 533). The vapors of the night--"vapeurs de la nuit" (p. 534)--disperse with the rising sun, bringing new life to the earth. Etienne, his face pale, watches the troop of beaten strikers file by, "ombres muettes, toutes noires, sans un rire" (p. 534). As he speaks to them, they turn red with shame. When he re-emerges from the somber mine shed he finds, outside, from east to west, the immense plain overwhelmed by a flood of gold. The song of a lark makes him raise his eyes. Little red clouds, the last allusion to the storm metaphor, are melting into the limpid blue, and, as he watches, the vague faces of the anarchist Souvarine and the socialist Rasseneur appear in his imagination: "De petites nuées rouges, les dernières vapeurs de la nuit, se fondaient dans le bleu limpide; et les figures vagues de Souvarine et de Rasseneur lui apparurent" (p. 541). But, after recalling in this way the turbulent struggle that has just resulted in the apparent defeat of the miners, he equates the true revolution which will surely come one day with the purple of the rising sun, which he is now watching turn the sky a sanguine color. In a context full of germination imagery, the analogy between red and blood is once again employed in order to imply a further analogy between the blood of the proletariat and the ripening wheat--a parallel of such importance to Zola that he considers naming the novel, among other rejected titles, "Le sang qui germe" and "Moisson rouge" (MS. 10308, fol. 425): "Du sang nouveau ferait la société nouvelle. Et, dans cette attente d'un envahissement des barbares, régénérant les vieilles nations caduques, reparaissaient sa foi absolue à une révolution prochaine, la vraie, celle des travailleurs, dont l'incendie embraserait la fin du siècle de cette pourpre de soleil levant, qu'il regardait saigner au ciel" (p. 542). Etienne seems to hear the noise of miners' picks coming from under the fields, and he sees in his mind's eye "les camarades noirs, qui tapaient, dans leur rage silencieuse" (p. 542). And, as he walks off in this apocalyptic sunrise prophetic of the new age of gold, there are images of growing wheat and of buds bursting into green leaf. Finally, in the last sentence, in a great burst of sunlight, there is a concluding prophecy, the vision that a black army will arise out of this ground in the cause of justice. It is the phrase which Vincent van Gogh quoted in its entirety to his brother Theo as a source of inspiration for some drawings that he had made after reading Germinal: "Des hommes poussaient, une armée noire, vengeresse, qui germait lentement dans les sillons, grandissant pour les récoltes du siècle futur, et dont la germination allait faire bientôt éclater la terre" [12]. PMLA, 77 (Sept. 1962), 442-449. ________________________ [1] Cf. Zola's letter to Henry Céard on the nature of his "Mensonge" in Germinal: "Nous mentons tons plus on moins, mais quelle est la mécanique et la mentalité de notre Mensonge? Or--c'est ici que je m'abuse peut-être--je crois encore que je mens pour mon compte dans le sens de la vérité. J'ai l'hypertrophie du détail vrai, le saut dans les étoiles sur le tremplin de l'observation exacte. La vérité monte d'un coup d'aile jusqu'au symbole." (Correspondance, Les Œuvres complètes, II, ed. Maurice Le Blond, Paris: Bernouard, 1927-29, 637.) Return. [2] Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), MS, Fonds français, Nouvelles acquisitions, 10308, fol. 408. Zola's working notes for Germinal and the autograph are contained in MSS. 10305-308--hereafter cited in the text. Return. [3] The color terms mentioned in Germinal, together with the number of times that they and closely related forms including derivatives ending in -âtre occur, are as follows: noir (156), rouge (86), blanc (80), bleu (32), jaune (30), vert (30), gris (20), rose (18), or (17), sanglant (17), blond (15), livide (11), roux (11), brun (9), terreux (7), pourpre (6), violet (5), argent (2), fauve (2), rouille (2), and one each of acier, ambre, azur, bai, blafard, bronze, carmin, châtain, cuivre rouge, plomb, vermeil, and vermillon. There is a surprising correspondence, with respect to the relative frequency with which colors are named, between Germinal and Salammbô, where Zola particularly admired Flaubert as a colorist. For data on color imagery in Salammbô, see Arthur Bieler, "La Couleur dans Salammbô," FR, XXXIII (Feb. 1960), pp. 365-366. Return. [4] Germinal, Les Œuvres complètes, Bernouard edition, p. 96. Subsequent references to Germinal will be given in the text. Return. [5] Correspondance, II, 636. Return. [6] Reproduced by Le Blond in the Bernouard edition of La Fortune des Rougon, p. 355. Return. [7] Ibid., p. 354. Return. [8] Germinal was, as its name implies, the month of seed (21 March-19 April) in the French Revolutionary Calendar. The 12th of Germinal of the year III (1 April 1795) was, as noted by Zola in MS. 10308, fol. 415, marked by great hunger riots and popular manifestations. Return. [9] Traces of Zola's personal preferences in colors as reported by his friend Dr. Edouard Toulouse may possibly be found in certain minor details, e.g., the juxtaposition of blue and yellow houses, p. 97, or the description of Tartare and Côte-Verte, p. 316. "Dans le monde des couleurs, il préfère la palette rouge, jaune et vert de Delacroix, les nuances fanées, et dans les tons complémentaires, le jaune uni an bleu." (Toulouse, Enquête medico-psychologique sur les rapports de la supériorité intellectuelle avec la névropathie. I. Introduction générale: Emile Zola, Paris: Société d'Editions Scientifiques, 1896, p. 259.) Return. [10] Guy Robert, "La Terre" d'Emile Zola: Étude historique et critique (Paris, 1952), pp. 383 ff. Return. [11] Enquête, pp. 117, 179, 204. Return. [12] See Jean Seznec, "Literary Inspiration in Van Gogh," Magazine of Art, XLIII (Dec. 1950), p. 287. Van Gogh idolized Zola, whose works not infrequently influenced his paintings. Return. ![]() Zola's Art of Characterization in Germinal Germinal is not primarily a physiological novel. Nor is it by common standards a novel of character. None of its characters have enjoyed the fortunes of Nana, Gervaise, Thérèse. Yet few critics would concur with Henry Céard that Zola should have left its individual characters out [1]. There are good technical and thematic reasons why they should be included--as viewpoints, frames for portraying the crowd, the community, the conflicting classes, the interaction of the individual and society. And are they really such bad characters as some critics have suggested? There are thousands worse in fiction. French schoolboys are still intrigued by Souvarine. More than one of us may have shared Paul Ginisty's enthusiasm expressed in Gil Blas, March 1, 1885: "quel prodigieux relief il leur a donné, de quelle vie intense, dans sa réalité violente, il les a fait vivre." If, furthermore, we try to appreciate them less as lifelike representations than as abstractions betraying a certain craft of fiction, a certain view of man, we are apt to find them extraordinarily interesting. One of the first discoveries that we may make if we are willing to approach them in this way is the extent to which Zola's art of characterization depends on tricks. And nearly all, to be effective, require some kind of violence--violent motion, violent contrast, melodrama. With relentless savagery often indistinguishable from sadism he literally follows the advice he wrote Paul Alexis on August 20, 1876 to "faire saigner vos personnages," knowing that to make his characters live he must make them suffer. He is a master of the art of forcing us to associate with characters a realistic intensity of pain or emotion similar to what we would ourselves experience in similar situations, suggesting far more than he is willing or able to put into words. A good example may be found in the passage recounting the end of Maigrat. In each of the three main parts of this episode--the attack on Maigrat's store, his fatal fall from the roof, and the frightful mutilation of his corpse by the furious women--we briefly see his wife, whom Zola carefully places at a vantage point from which she can observe all that transpires: Depuis qu'il était là, il apercevait à une fenêtre de sa maison sur la façade en retour, la chétive silhouette de sa femme, pâle et brouillée derrière les vitres: sans doute elle regardait arriver les coups, de son air muet de pauvre être battu (Bernouard edition, p. 381). Nowhere, in any of these short passages, does Zola tell us what Madame Maigrat is really thinking or feeling; it is left up to our imagination or implied indirectly through the surmise of onlookers, and none of them--Maigrat or the middle-class women watching the spectacle from another window or the strikers milling in the square--can actually see the expressions, if any, that cross her face, deformed by imperfections in the glass. And, although Zola shows us her pale silhouette and her white face, we do not really know whether he has in mind her habitual sickly pallor or some sudden loss of color or the dim light illuminating her as she is glimpsed through the reflection of the sunset. The last time he refers to her, he compels us to associate with her some kind of psychological state (and what it is precisely depends on us) by a particularly brutal image (the semblance of laughter created by the wavy pane). The first two times his procedure is even simpler: he anticipates the famous cinematic principle discovered in the days of the silent film by Pudovkin and Kuleshov in an experiment using close-ups of the Russian actor Mosjukhin; namely, that identical photographs of an actor's face (perhaps quite blank) will, when artfully inserted into different strips of film, appear to the spectator to assume different expressions, which are usually mistakenly attributed to the skill of the actor. Yet, animated and substantial as the characters in Germinal may seem while we are still under the spell of Zola's virtuosity as an illusionist, when we examine them in retrospect a curious metamorphosis occurs. On the one hand, the more we think about them, the less impressive they turn out to be as realistic creations. We may remember moments when they flared up with the sort of human truth--stubborn, unromantic, disenchanting--that we admire in the great realists, but in general Zola's realism with respect to his characters is superficial, uninspired, almost mannered. He has obviously worked hard to make them seem to be products of their environment and heredity because, he remarks in the work notes preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, this will provide "une preuve de plus au dossier" (MS. 10307, fol. 427). The authenticity his public expected from him is all there--details of dress, mores. Arid, as we watch him in the notes patiently, methodically compose each of his characters out of a name, age, occupation, social situation, description morale, physical description, and strike role, we realize how much they are hollow paper puppets pasted together from newspaper clippings, texts on socialism, and lists of miners' diseases. As psychological creations they are perhaps more complex than Brunetière supposed. Occasionally in the development of Etienne, for example, we suspect a veiled confession of Zola's own peculiar sexual timidity, clumsy efforts at self-instruction, ambivalent attitudes toward women and society. But however interesting a main character may be in certain particulars, the whole may be less convincing than the parts. Etienne is a somewhat eclectic, insignificant composite of disparate types and roles combined to suit the requirements of the plot. When not an almost disembodied camera eye, he may be the hero of the political Bildungsroman inside Germinal, the hero of the main plot (the role planned until nearly the end of the Ebauche for Rasseneur), the maniac of the Rougon-Macquart family tree, or the likable, clean-fighting hero of melodrama. In fact, if we go back far enough in the notes, we find, as Mr. Martin Kanes observes (MP, Aug. 1963), that as the characters first emerge into view more than one seem to be projections of the stock heroes, heroines, and villains of the boulevard stage. On the whole, Zola's bourgeois are more realistic than his proletarians but less memorable and often banal. Minor characters may tend occasionally to leave a more vivid, lasting impression than some in the foreground, but we tend to retain their more fanciful, unrealistic traits--Mouquette's enormous buttocks, La Brûlé's shouting mouth and thin extended arms. Essentially, La Brûlé is just what Zola intended her to be, an "énergumène." Yet, to dismiss Zola's characters as little more than generalized types and symbols, as some critics have done, or creatures of fantasy or simple humors, is to miss the very essence of his art. It is to miss it as Melchior de Vogüé did when he complained that Zola's characters lacked mystery, or Brunetière, when he implied that they were not psychologically complex enough to deserve critical attention. What distinguishes Zola's art of characterization is the radical development he gives to two tendencies already present very noticeably in Balzac--the self-conscious application of scientific theories and methods and the inclination, as Béguin has demonstrated so well in Balzac's case, to give us not so much a psychology as a mythology of man [2]. Certain departures from strict realism in Germinal were determined, Zola claimed in his letter to Céard of March 22, 1885, by technical considerations: "La vérité est que ce roman est une grande fresque. Chaque chapitre, chaque compartiment de la composition s'est trouvé tellement resserré qu'il a fallu tout voir en raccourci. De là, une simplification constante des personnages." But such reasons only begin to explain the liberties he takes throughout the novel with the simple truth; and even as the realistic side of his characters pales in our memory, their value as expressions of Zola's imagination is likely to grow. To begin with, there are some of the sorts of generalization that we associate with science--the application in Etienne's case of physiological theories as speculative as Balzac's theory of magnetism, the possible application, as Mr. E. Paul Gauthier suggests (PMLA, June 1960), of fantastic physiognomic theories involving man-animal comparisons, and a tendency to make characters into somewhat mechanical reflections of sociological norms. Flaubert's advice to Maupassant to begin with a specific baker or concierge and describe him so distinctly that we could not mistake him for any other baker or concierge runs counter to Zola's genius. His characters are in part scientific abstractions like nineteenth-century conceptions of the ether or like mathematicians' circles. Or, more precisely, they are a poetic--and therefore scientifically impure--mimesis of scientific abstractions. At their worst, they degenerate into science monsters--the Etienne of the family tree. ("Un rien le grise, et il change à terrifier, le masque, la voix, les idées," Zola jots down, MS. 10308, fol. 10.) At their best, as Mlle Jacqueline Chambron observes (La Pensée, Sept, Oct., 1952), an epic explosion occurs. Like La Maheude, instead of a single face, they have a thousand faces. Undoubtedly, in all this there is also something of the passionate distortion that we associate with propaganda. (La Maheude, for Mlle Chambron, is a "figure aux mille visages des femmes dont on affame les petits et dont on tue les hommes.") Zola repeatedly affirmed that Germinal was "un cri de pitié, un cri de justice." In the unsubtle contrasts of which the novel is full, the crude, screaming, thickly laid on colors, pounding reiterations, incredible exaggerations, and stock characters and situations there is more than a suggestion of the poster, the handbill, the political cartoon (the shadowy anarchist, the felled striker face down in a black puddle). But Zola draws on our Western popular tradition in much the same way as Rabelais, or as Picasso, whom Gertrude Stein used to supply with American comic strips. The characters in Germinal have many functions that are more undisguisedly poetic. Some of these functions are closely related to the specific plot and subject. For example, Zola tells himself that he must make his mine director into an allegory of money (MS. 10307, fol. 5). Other characters have their principal sources in themes and personal "myths" running through Zola's life and works. In addition to the more obvious examples, one may think of those studied by Professor F. W. J. Hemmings in his fascinating "Les sources d'inspiration de Zola conteur" in Les Cahiers naturalists (Nos. 24-25, 1963, pp. 29-46), where he treats, among other things, Zola's obsession for drenching characters literally or metaphorically in blood and relates Germinal to Zola's youthful story Le Sang. And when Zola states in Part VI, Chapter 4, that the handle of the knife Jeanlin uses to kill Jules is decorated with the single word Love engraved in black (the main symbolic color of the novel), what does he mean by this? Is it just, as those who insist that he is primarily a realist might suggest, that the boy happened to have this particular knife in his pocket? Is it just heavy irony? Is it an expression of some latent sadism on Zola's part? Or, just as likely, is it a symbolic expression of the major philosophical and mythopoeic themes at the heart of Germinal and possibly even an allusion to a verse in Nerval's Vers dorés?-- Un mystère d'amour dans le métal repose. The major theme of world destruction and renewal, in any case, is indicated, among many other ways, in the association of certain characters with Ceres and other personages of ancient myths of creation, death and resurrection. But Zola's naturalistic ambition to make his characters representational is countered and in the end subverted by, above all, the poetic necessity of expressing the unanimistic philosophy which he defined in a letter dated March 14, 1885, to Jules Lemaitre. In this letter it is evident that what chiefly distinguishes Zola as a visionary from, let us say, the Hugo of La Bouche d'ombre, is his absolute rejection of the concept of the individual soul in favor of a single soul shared by the whole of nature. It is evident, also, that he thinks of himself as involved in a quarrel, "une dispute de philosophes," as he tells Lemaitre. The result is the polemic fashion in which he rejects and attacks, not only specifically romantic modes of conceiving and presenting the human image, but also, one is tempted to say, nearly the whole Christian-humanist tradition. This is apparent even in his use of color. Like the Byzantine mosaicists and icon-makers, he portrays his characters in extraordinary, very intense colors. But, whereas the Byzantines avoided normal flesh tones in order to suppress any suggestion of the carnal while translating humanity onto a plane of high spirituality, the brutal apocalyptic colors preferred by Zola have precisely the opposite effect. At the same time, he expresses his unanimism more positively by emphasizing with all the power he possesses those traits which bind the individual to the rest of humanity and to what we generally consider the lower orders and kingdoms of nature. Among other things, he makes hallucinatory use of metaphors comparing repeatedly his characters to animals--cattle, sheep, cats, dogs, wolves, martens, birds, snakes, ants. He calls men dry leaves, shadows, tides, rivers. His man-animal comparisons go beyond, here, anything like a sober application of pseudoscientific theory and even transcend the purely metaphorical to enter the realm of poetic or religious vision. When we are shown Etienne turning into a terrifying wolf (p. 350) or informed that La Maheude has "une chaleur, comme une haleine de bête aboyante" (p. 411), we are possibly still in the realm of physiognomy and metaphor. But when we are shown a line of miners transformed into a monstrous starry serpent spiraling upwards through the darkness towards a sudden flash of sun or asked to foresee a new generation of men growing up through the wheat we are clearly in the realm of myth, vision, revelation. If, moreover, humans are dehumanized, turned into animals, plants, and things, things, conversely, are animated and animals humanized, with the result that what we might otherwise take for a simple materialistic debasement of man--nineteenth-century reductionalism--becomes something infinitely more poetically significant and complex. And, all the while, a third, just as telling process multiplies and confounds images of animals, humans, plants, and objects in the same forms until they seem to lose their original identity and the effect is created of a state of nature where everything interpenetrates, everything is capable of mounting or descending within the totality of forms all essentially one form and partaking of a single dark life, merging into an undifferentiated continuum. Bonnemort, Zola notes (MS. 10308, fols. 21-23), is to become "une bête muette," and adds, "achève de vivre comme une chose." Jeanlin starts out as a monkey with green eyes, is compared to a serpent, turns into a frightful feline marten, and ends up as a monkey with bluish eyes. Not only do Catherine's eyes, like those of other heroines in Zola, glow green in the dark like a cat's, but the old white mine horse, Bataille, also has cat's eyes. Not only, moreover, do man-animal friendships abound (Souvarine, Pologne, Mouque, Bataille), but a curious affinity between man and beast may be seen, for example, in the fact that Zola has Catherine and Bataille have similar recurrent dreams. All creatures in Germinal are swept up in the storm of the strike. Nothing is stable, the plain becomes a sea, the regions underground and the heavens are confounded. The most admirable human traits are given to Bataille, the philosopher in the cave, the friend, the guide; and in the account of the violent death of this spectral white horse as he rears, screams, and dies with the trapped miners deep in the flooding mine there is, in the shrill mixture of animal and human fear, a presentiment of Guernica. Clearly, Zola's portrayal of character goes beyond the expression of his personal philosophy to become a powerful expression of the Zeitgeist. He is stirred by the forces that have transformed not only modern literature but also--and he tends to think like a painter and associates with painters--modern art. Indeed, we are quite as justified in calling Germinal a postimpressionist novel as Les Tragiques a baroque poem. There is the same tendency to use symbols, stereotyped characters, and stylization to give objective reality to inner experience as in, for instance, Van Gogh's Night Café, the same brutal, lurid, symbolic color, distortions turning into hallucinations, the same suggestion, as Malraux might say, of the return of the diabolical, the same urge to force the human image into rigid compartments, mathematical patterns not intended to glorify man. Even the terms employed by critics to describe characters in Germinal, La Terre and elsewhere are often identical to those habitually applied to the abstract human shapes of modern art: "Nous répudions ces bonshommes de rhétorique zoliste, ces silhouettes énormes, surhumaines et biscornues, dénuées de complications, jetées brutalement, en masses lourdes..." ("Manifeste des Cinq," Le Figaro, Aug. 18, 1887). Céard's friendly, but nearly as uncomprehending, criticisms of the characters in Germinal, are, as Zola summarizes them in his reply to Céard of March 22, 1885, strangely similar. The best key to Zola's art of characterization in Germinal and probably in La Terre is his answer to Céard in the same letter: "J'aurais aimé seulement vous voir démonter le mécanisme de mon œil ... je crois encore que je mens pour mon compte dans le sens de la vérité. J'ai l'hypertrophie du détail vrai, le saut dans les étoiles sur le tremplin de l'observation exacte. La vérité monte d'un coup d'aile jusqu'au symbole." The ultimate value of the characters in Germinal, then, resides in their stylistic peculiarities as instances of Zola's Lie and in their enduring effectiveness as symbols; and I believe that behind their more obvious symbolic functions and the less obvious ones already explored by pioneers like Lemaitre, Geffroy, and Girard we shall with proper perspective discover others. Some may value their nightmarish power as warnings that Western man is losing the myth of the individual soul that Christianity has kept alive in him or as disturbing symptoms of the inner man within us who is changing. Others may be intrigued by their paradoxical structural make-up, their straining to inhabit at one and the same time the warring spheres of science and poetry. In them the effort of the nineteenth-century novel to project a scientific image of man culminates in a dramatic flight back from objective description towards the dark chaos of subjectivity. They are, to use a term Renan applied to himself, the creations of a "hircocerf," a man born with two natures who could say as truly as Renan, "Une de mes moitiés devait être occupée à démolir l'autre," or, "Plus l'homme se développe par la tête, plus il rêve le pôle contraire, ... l'être instinctif qui n'agit que par l'impulsion d'une conscience obscure" [3]. Reprinted from L'ESPRIT CREATEUR, Vol. IV, No. 2, pp. 60-67 (Summer, 1964). __________________________ [1] Zola, Correspondance, Les Œuvres completes, II. ed. Maurice Le Blond (Paris: Bernouard, 1927-1929), 636. Zola's letters cited in the text are all in the Bernouard edition, where they are in chronological order in two volumes. Return. [2] For Zola's preference for Balzac as a creator of characters see E. Toulouse, Enquête médico-psychologique sur les rapports de la supériorité intellectuelle avec la névropathie. 1. Introduction générale: Emile Zola (Paris: 1896), p. 259. Return. [3] Ernest Renan, Œuvres completes, 11 (Paris, Calmann-Lévy, 1947- 1958), 760, 716. Return. ![]() The Ébauche of Germinal: A Genetic Study I For those interested in exploring the mysteries of artistic creation, the long section of Zola's manuscript notes for Germinal entitled the Ebauche can be an illuminating, yet, at the same time, tantalizing document [1]. As we turn its pages, written in Zola's firm hand, it is tempting to succumb to the illusion that we are following the genesis of this great novel much as it actually took shape in Zola's mind. And, as we shall see, no other part of the notes can, in fact, tell so much about his method of composition, his objectives, his way of reasoning with himself on paper. Yet in the final analysis we shall also see that the Ebauche, instructive as it may be in these respects, reveals only a fraction of his thoughts during the period of creation. We shall be struck by the contrast between what the Ebauche shows about the novelist's methodical planning and what it fails to show of his creative genius. II When we inquire into what the Ebauche can tell us, as opposed to what it cannot, we may be most impressed, to begin with, by its unusually systematic character, even when compared with the ébauches of some of Zola's other novels. To be sure, Zola is plotting, not writing for publication. It is not easy upon first acquaintance to discern his train of thought. But we must not conclude that the Ebauche is unorganized or suppose, like certain critics, that as an idea comes to him or a scene takes shape he simply jots it down [2]. As he plans the novel, he does so largely in accordance with a definite, logical procedure whose principal steps are, very briefly, as follows: He begins by writing down the theme that, in his opinion, will give the novel significance: "Le roman est le soulèvement des salariés, le coup d'épaule donné à la société qui craque un instant: en un mot la lutte du capital et du travail. C'est là qu'est l'importance du livre: je le veux prédisant l'avenir posant la question qui sera la question la plus importante du XXe siècle" (fol. 1). His second step is to block in the main essential outlines, i.e., to suggest how his leading notions are to be represented and determine the major details of the setting and the central sequence of events. "Voilà la carcasse en grand," he concludes. "Seulement, il faut mettre là-dedans des personnages et les faire agir" (foll. 1-12). His third step is to invent a minimum cast of individual characters, as if he were writing a play, lightly delineating in the process a few extra details of the action and decor (foll. 12-19) [3]. His fourth step is to define his strategy-the main effects he must produce, the main points he must make, and the main devices he must employ (foll. 19-22). "Pour obtenir un gros effet," he begins, "il faut que les oppositions soient nettes et poussées au summum de l'intensité possible." He goes on to remark that he must avoid special pleading, limit himself to the facts, showing the wretched state of the proletariat in all its terrible detail while suggesting, in all fairness to the individual bourgeois concerned, that they are not so much to blame as the system, "l'état de choses; supérieur." His fifth step is to deduce from this statement of special objectives the principles that must logically guide his characterization. Noting that, as he has just implied, his representatives of capital axe only cogs in the wheel and do not deliberately set out to oppress the miners, he concludes, "Cela me donne leurs caractères différents selon qu'ils sont plus ou moins conscients." He reasons with respect to his workers, on the other hand, "La misère de mes ouvriers est donc grande.... Il est logique que les caractères de mes personnages découlent de leur travail, de leur misère: c'est une preuve de plus au dossier." His sixth step is to undertake, in strict accordance with these special objectives and principles, a first elaboration--deliberately somewhat tentative and abstract pending his research trip to Anzin. Putting first things first, as usual, he starts out with his major themes of misery and revolt, introduces illustrative figures (mostly sexually exploited females) and situations (foll. 23-27) and includes a mine disaster, inventing in the process the main details of the denouement (foll. 27-35). Having fixed by now most of the essential outlines of his central action, he introduces his two main subplots, both of an amorous nature (foll. 35-40). Finally, he considers ways of incorporating an element of fantasy centering on a little crippled boy and an old deserted pit (foll, 40-46). His seventh step is to complete a second, more precise elaboration, incorporating data from his Anzin notes and other documents. Starting as before with his main characters, he begins with his Rougon-Macquart and in the process works out the whole exposition (foll. 46-50), reviews and expands his plans for his most typical miner's family, introduces his second and third families so as to have two other major types of workers, further develops his villain, and includes other necessary characters (foll. 51-54). He reviews and expands his plans for the bourgeois (foll. 54-61). He introduces his old miner (foll. 61-62). Sensing that the end is in sight, he returns to his main subplot and the characters and roles involved: "C'est le personnage de Catherine qu'il faut arrêter et mouvementer," he remarks at the head of this section, "ainsi que celui d'Etienne. Leurs amours, le cadre de leurs scènes, leur rôle exact dans la grève.--Puis, il faudra distribuer les ouvriers exactement." And he does so, methodically, beginning with his most central characters and working down through his first typical family, second typical family, third typical family, and so on to his two mine horses (foll. 62-88). Recognizing the advantages of making his Rougon-Macquart into the strike leader, he has to revise his plot, but manages to do so with a minimum of change by redistributing a few roles and adding a new part (III) (foll. 89-94). In a second revision, he includes his old miner in his first typical family (foll. 95-96). III As this summary may suggest, the main steps of Zola's thought as be outlines Germinal in the Ebauche are not hard to follow. When, however, we look more closely at his reasoning we shall find it anything but simple. Nowhere, indeed, will the art of fiction appear more complex. For not only are Zola's novels made up of apparently incompatible elements, each with distinctive principles, problems, and procedures; he passionately loves unity and expends titanic energy combining the ingredients of his art into a strong, consonant whole. These ingredients, which he himself partially defines in his original plans for the Rougon-Macquart series and elsewhere, include, first of all, a scientific element (theoretically based on two complementary "études," one physiological, the other social in nature) [4]. Secondly, each volume ideally contains a poignantly interesting dramatic plot, or "action dramatique," calculated to appeal to a mass reading public whose little fondness for realism for its own sake, whose "perverted" taste for strange lyrical sauces, for romanticism, for spice and fantasy he ruefully notes in an article on Duranty (Le Figaro, 22 December 1878) [5]. Thirdly, his novels tend to contain a poetic element, what his disciple Paul Alexis paradoxically calls, in Emile Zola: Notes d'un ami (Paris, 1882, pp. 100-101), "Quelque idée mélodique . . . une sorte d'intention extralittéraire, qui n'est point dans telle page plutôt que dans telle autre, mais qui ressort évidemment de l'ensemble de I'œuvre." The principles whereby these elements are related and combined are also partially defined by Zola and his friends and disciples. Notably, he may be found developing in his original plans for the series the concept of a unifying principle, some sort of scientific hypothesis, from which an entire volume can be mathematically deduced: "Avoir surtout la logique de la déduction," he tells himself. "Il est indifférent que le fait générateur soit reconnu comme absolument vrai; ce fait sera surtout une hypothèse scientifique, empruntée aux traités médicaux. Mais lorsque ce fait sera posé, lorsque je l'aurai accepté comme un axiome, en déduire mathématiquement tout le volume, et être alors d'une absolue vérité" [6]. Over the years we also find him very much concerned with the problem of how best to integrate poetry and realism in the form and substance of his fiction. For example, Alexis, in the passage to which we have just referred, observes, "En avançant dans la série, ces intentions extralittéraires existent toujours, et d'une façon plus mathématique." But far more revealing as to Zola's practice in Germinal is a letter addressed by him shortly after its publication to Henry Céard defining the peculiar mechanism of his eye: "Vous n'êtes pas stupéfait, comme les autres, de trouver en moi un poète. J'aurais aimé seulement vous voir démonter le mécanisme de mon ceil.... Tout est là l'œuvre est dans les conditions de l'opération. Nous mentons tous plus ou moins, mais quelle est la mécanique et la mentalité de notre Mensonge? Or--c'est ici que je m'abuse peut-être-je crois encore que je mens pour mon compte dans le sens de la vérité. J'ai l'hypertrophie du détail vrai, le saut dans les. étoiles sur le tremplin de l'observation exacte. La vérité monte d'un coup d'aile jusqu'au symbole" [7]. It is not surprising, consequently, that we can logically distinguish in Germinal between at least three different elements: a scientific, realistic element; a dramatic element deliberately designed to interest the general reader; and an epic, lyric, symbolic element. Nor is it surprising that we can recognize to a greater or lesser degree in the Ebauche of Germinal at least five different kinds of reasoning or levels of mental activity: (1) a scientific or pseudoscientific activity concerned with investigating, interpreting, and expressing fact; (2) a more purely novelistic activity, having to do with the art of popular dramatic fiction; (3) a more properly poetic activity, more obsessive, more remote, more Parnassian, less concerned with diverting the public than with expressing an irrepressible philosophy or inner vision; (4) a synthetic activity, combining the realistic and dramatic elements; and (5) an activity which we may perhaps refer to as dialectic because it is concerned with the resolution of the poetry and the more realistic elements of the novel into a harmonious whole and with the reconciliation of a poetic vision of reality and a scientific vision [8]. If we are to understand Zola's reasoning in the Ebauche, we must begin, therefore, by examining as separately as possible each of the diverse sorts of mental activity involved, starting with that of a predominantly scientific nature, concerned primarily with imparting to the novel its realism, or verisimilitude, as an objective social study. IV And, indeed, the Ebauche can help us form a much better idea than we might perhaps have otherwise of the scientific character of Zola's thought in Germinal. In the first place, if there is any doubt left in our minds after reading the novel itself that it does not turn on physiological questions, the Ebauche quickly dispels this doubt [9]. It strongly corroborates, on the other hand, the impression given by the novel that its portrayal of reality is largely, perhaps even predominantly anthropological. It is difficult not to suspect as we read the Ebauche and the finished work that we have to do with at least a potential anthropologist, someone who might even, like Balzac, have made a great anthropologist, given different circumstances. Not only does Zola have the anthropologist's distinguishing characteristic concern with human wholes; he also exhibits in the Ebauche the anthropologist's characteristic tension between the fundamental interest in the analysis of the community as a whole and the equally fundamental interest in the general uniformities of human behavior and institutions. He seems to grasp intuitively the fact that the empirical knowledge of concrete reality--what Max Weber calls Wirklichkeitwissenschaft-- requires him to preserve the wholeness of each human whole, that, as Weber says, concrete reality cannot be "deduced from 'laws' and 'factors'" [10]. Yet, at the same time, he is enamored of generality. In his attempt to give vivid expression to the vast disembodied ideas that march through his fiction, he is led, if not to deduce reality from "laws" and "factors," at least to approximate reality, to create the illusion of reality by cloaking abstractions in lesser abstractions. This tendency is particularly evident in the first half of the Ebauche, where we find him primarily concerned with illustrating the most central affirmations constituting his analysis of the labor problem--e.g., that the masses are downtrodden and in revolt and that the rich are growing richer, the poor, poorer. At this point, as he casts about for graphic ways of representing these broad notions----"le drame social dans sa vérité, dans sa généralité" (fol. 22)--he relies less on direct observation than on secondary sources and his own imagination. But even in this preliminary portion of the Ebauche he anticipates the holistic study that he is about to make of a particular community. At the end of the section in which he invents his minimum cast of characters, he notes, "Naturellement, j'ajouterais plusieurs groupes d'ouvriers, pour avoir toutes les spécialités, les rouleurs, les boiseurs, les enfants, les femmes, et cela distribué dans tous les caractères typiques" (foll. 18-19). Like an anthropologist, he is engaged, using his abstract analysis of the social problem as his principal frame of reference, in "prearranging his facts"-organizing his research in advance, determining what questions to ask when he makes his trip to the Nord, what to look for at Anzin, what sort of background he needs [11]. "Etudier les ruines; que les grèves peuvent entraîner" (fol. 6), he jots down, for example, or, "Ne pas oublier le médecin. Le prêtre, avec le rôle de la religion. Note à prendre sur les lieux" (fol. 19). In the second half of the Ebauche, composed after his trip to Anzin, his interest in portraying a community as a whole asserts itself with increased force. There is an influx of small, fresh, precise observations, concrete data, regional terms, geographical details, revealing a stronger grasp of his larger subjects and a new, more direct acquaintance with communities of the sort he is depicting. Instead of dealing almost exclusively with abstractions and secondhand, often brutal and theatrical images, his imagination now reflects actual people, situations, objects, and places. As we read the results, we are once again reminded of the fact that the artist cannot forego drawing from life, that, as Balzac so astutely remarks, "la plupart des livres dont le sujet est entièrement fictif, qui ne se rattachent de près ou de loin à aucune réalité sont mort-nés; tandis que ceux qui reposent sur des faits observés, entendus, pris à la vie réelle, obtiennent les honneurs de la longévité" [12]. Zola's portrait of reality in Germinal is, consequently, not simple, but compound in nature, as is his art in so many other respects. Viewed from one angle, which is the angle he adopts at the beginning of the Ebauche, it may be compared, more specifically, with those anthropological studies in which a community is approached only as a convenient place in which to examine some special problem of general interest in its full context of social reality. Viewed from a somewhat different angle, which is the angle he increasingly adopts as the outline of the novel progresses, it may remind us more of those studies in which the anthropologist is principally establishing, if not the traits of any one specific community, at least the typical features of a certain specific kind of community. The concrete example--a miners' coron in the Nord before and during a big strike thus assumes within the developing plan of the novel as much importance as the abstract analysis that it is meant to illustrate, grows into a full-fledged subject in its own right, and modifies and expands the original terms of the abstract analysis, with which it competes. Hence, in part, the tension, never resolved in Germinal, between two radically different kinds of verisimilitude. When, for example, Zola notes with regard to the deserted pit, "Pour atteindre la première échelle, on devra se pendre aux arbres qui ont poussé, déterminer leurs espèces. Description courte et exacte" (fol. 45), the sort of verisimilitude he is concerned with has to do exclusively with authenticity of detail in his portrayal of his little mining community. When, however, he writes for instance, with reference to Etienne, "On peut imaginer qu'il n'a pas été arrêté, rendre cela vraisemblable. Souvent les chefs ne sont pas arrêtés. Ce sont leurs soldats qui paient pour eux" (fol. 92), the sort of verisimilitude he is concerned with has to do with the capacity of fictional people and events to illustrate general truths. It is only a step to the outright allegory that results, for example, from his decision to substitute for a tedious description of the higher echelons of his big stock company the image of "une sorte de tabernacle reculé, de Dieu vivant et mangeant les ouvriers dans l'ombre" (fol. 2) or to make his prototypal director "un homme de discipline, dur, correct, représentant l'argent, incarnant l'argent" (fol. 5). His development of Jeanlin, in particular, derives its strength almost exclusively from this sort of realism bordering on allegory. "Mon petit estropié deviendrait la dégénérescence dernière, chétif, maigre, et victime du travail avec son accident. Il résumerait les vices fatals, le produit du salariat sous terre. Et le crime par hérédité," Zola announces, in the best naturalistic tradition, and then lets his imagination go: "Il peut tuer un soldat assis, par derrière, avec un couteau. . . . Quand il a tué son soldat et qu'il râle, il le traine jusqu'au puits, où il le jette vivant encore. Le grand cri. Le petit essuyant ses petites mains sanglantes dans l'herbe" (foll. 43-44). Both sorts of verisimilitude are met with to some degree in anthropological studies, and they are not necessarily incompatible. Zola could conceivably have achieved both at the same time, and to a large extent he does. Yet in certain instances, as in Jeanlin's case, he fails for one reason or another to do so. As Henriette Psichari has so well demonstrated, it is difficult to believe that a real boy like Jeanlin could ever have lived in Anzin (Montsou) [13]. The result, as in so much fiction, is a curious mixture of things true in one way with things true in another. There is an expressionistic confounding of things seen with things imagined, of meticulous authenticity of detail with allegory or near allegory, which, while by no means prejudicial to art, is undoubtedly deplorable by the rules of scientific portraiture. But, of course, Zola is not primarily a scientist; he is primarily an artist, dominated by other than purely scientific ends. V Above all, the Ebauche sheds light on Zola's objectives and procedures with respect to his "action dramatique"--that part, or element, of the novel "sous laquelle," as he promises in his original Rougon-Macquart prospectus, "les penseurs pourront retrouver la grande idée de l'ensemble, mais qui aura un intérêt poignant pour tout le monde" [14]. Even the language of the Ebauche betrays more than anything else the skillful, methodical popular novelist. It contains very few scientific terms. It contains no markedly poetic terms [15]. But it contains a large number of words and phrases having to do with the craft of fiction, many of which are quite revealing with regard not only to Zola's art but also the art of the novel in general; e.g., action, actuel, avoir de l'humanité, avoir du mouvement, carcasse en grand, catastrophe, chapitre de fantaisie, clarté, conclusion logique, dessein, disposition dans le plan, dramatique, dramatiser un côté de l'action, drame, étude, grandeur, gros effet, humain, incarner, intérêt, large, le lecteur bourgeois, lien conducteur, logique, la lutte visible, mettre là-dedans des personnages, noeud, net, obtenir beaucoup d'intérêt, opposition, peindre, personnage gnigmatique, personnifier, poignant, point de vue, poser, pousser au dernier degré possible de la violence, rendre vraisemblable, rôle, souffre-douleur, traître, unité, voir bien un personnage [16]. As for his dramatic objectives, he strives to give his drama, among other things, precisely those traits he stresses in the original Rougon-Macquart prospectus, to which we have just referred; e.g., poignant interest. "Etudier le personnage de Catherine de façon à le faire central et intéressant," he tells himself, for example. "Il faut qu'il emplisse le livre si je veux obtenir beaucoup d'intérêt. Ne pas le faire passif, idyllique, trouver une lutte humaine, quelque chose de poignant en elle" (foll. 35-36). He has also obviously by no means forgotten his confession, in the article on Duranty mentioned earlier in this essay, that his success with the public is due not so much to his realism as to his romanticism and "fantaisies de dessin et de couleur." He goes out of his way in the Ebauche to include strong elements of a fanciful and romantic sort certain to appeal to popular taste, no matter what higher realistic or poetic use he may ultimately make of them. This is evident particularly in the section mainly devoted to Jeanlin (spelled Jenlain in much of the notes) at the end of the first long elaboration of the plot (foll. 40-46); and it is not surprising that we find Zola somewhat later referring straightforwardly to "le chapitre de fantaisie, le chapitre de Jenlain" (fol. 64) or again, in the Plan par parties, "Jenlain et le vieux puits ... un chapitre de fantaisie" (MS. 10307, fol. 4). He also suggests intriguing color effects--"une neige dans ce pays noir. Description. L'herbe verte à la mine qui brûle" (fol. 42)--and dwells on the fanciful possibilities of the old pit. He introduces (and occasionally rejects) in this and other connections many lurid and fantastic ideas, some of which Freudian critics may well regard as expressive of the darker side of his personality but which, on the other band, may betray little more than a desire to cater to the public's appetite for bas romantisme and melodrama. He considers, for instance, including a black-hearted "inspecteur" (a prototype of Maigrat, Chaval) whom he can show sexually exploiting helpless female miners (fol. 24). He contemplates giving his little lame boy an aging mistress-"mendîante, à demi-folle, 40 ans, devenue muette à la suite d'un coup de grisou, qui lui a brisé la mâchoire"--having her killed in the strikers' clash with the troops, and showing the grief-stricken child dragging her corpse through the night and hurling her down the abandoned shaft shouting "J'aime mieux qu'elle soit là; ils n'ont pas besoin de l'emporter!" (foll. 41-42). He is also determined, of course, to exploit the romantic potentials of his great mines, fire-damp explosions, catastrophic cave-ins: "J'aimerais bien 1'éboulement de puits," he writes, in a sentence worthy of Victor Hugo, "avec tout coulant à l'abîme" (fol. 27). We also discover him engaged in attaining a host of other objectives, many of which he shares with other novelists, but all of which he pursues with uncommon vigor. As he indicates in his statement of strategy (foll. 1922), he is especially desirous to produce a powerful effect through the use of strong contrast--a technique he employs with a persistence and virtuosity which may make us think once again of Hugo [17]. But we also find him going to great lengths to fill his plot with violent, exciting action in order to move his readers and force them to participate vicariously in the drama. "Les ouvriers lâchés vont jusqu'au crime," he notes, for example. "Il faut que le lecteur bourgeois ait un frisson de terreur" (fol. 20). We find him striving hard after freshness and originality, avoiding in the process too obvious parallels with other works, including his own. "Son caractère reste à fixer; ne pas répéter un autre de mes personages," he writes with regard to Catherine; or, with respect to Jeanlin, "Pour éviter la ressemblance avec l'épisode de Marjolin et de Cadine, il faut absolument que je mette mon enfant seul au fond de la mine" (fol. 43). Above all, we find him exerting himself to arrange the events of his plot in a rigorously analytical and climactic order, to impart to them a compelling sense of logical and historical inevitability, to show them, as he says, "provenant de l'état de chose supérieur et déterminé par le temps . . . s'enchaînant en suite, se déduisant par grands mouvements humains, et arrivant aux catastrophes, aux abominations que je raconterai" (fol. 22). As for his characteristic way of reasoning as he elaborates his dramatic plot, we might note, in the first place, his strong tendency actually to think in graphic dramaturgical terms-unities, strong actions and protagonists, entrances and exits, the positioning of characters on stage, decors, significant movements and gestures. Like a dramatist, he subordinates character to action, distinguishes between beginning, middle, and end, preserves unity of place as well as of action, and, as his reference on fol. 3 to “la lutte visible” of the novel would suggest, exhibits to an intense degree the dramatist's concern for expressing invisible occurrences in the form of visible conflict. In the second place, we might note how, in his attempt to cultivate broad human interest, he combines and transforms real-life events into archetypes in a spirit that is more poetic, in an Aristotelian sense, than historical. If we compare the actual strikes reported in his journalistic sources with his fictional strike, we see to what a great extent he eliminates the particular in order to bring out the universal elements, the essential situations, the eternal issues involved in such struggles. Above all, the strike in Germinal is the everlasting battle between the weak and the strong, the hungry and the well-fed: "La bête exaspérée et lâchée, le pauvre contre le riche, la faim contre la satiété. Les hommes contre le repos du directeur, les femmes contre le luxe et la toilette de la directrice . . ." (fol. 21). We will also almost certainly be impressed by the deliberateness and frequent coldness, or apparent coldness, of his logic. "Morte de misère excellent morte de la mine" (fol. 16), he notes, for example, having found an appropriate death for Catherine; and, still developing the theme of proletarian suffering, he decides, "Le roman aura lieu l'hiver, la misère devant être plus grande" (fol. 42). With an equally chill logic he allots the fates of his bourgeois, observing with regard to his black-hearted inspector: "Plus tard, dans le sac de la maison ce sera cet inspecteur qu'on tuera, la bande hurlante de femmes pourra lui arracher les parties génitales. Mais avoir des victimes innocentes aussi, car c'est là l'effet" (foll. 24-25). We must, furthermore, suspect (as is so often the case in artistic creation) underneath the verbalized reasoning a darker, more pervasive logic, a semiconscious schema, which it is the partial function of the novelist's conscious logic to bring to light-and, having brought to light, to rationalize with respect to his principal realistic frames of reference. He wastes astonishingly little effort in the Ebauche. The essential ideas behind a character or event dropped in one form inevitably reappear in one or more other forms. Almost nothing can be explained away as purely accidental, even when it is arrived at in a roundabout fashion, as if by afterthought. "Cela devient plus possible parce que cela entre dans un drame logique" (fol. 34), he notes, after deciding to have Etienne survive the catastrophe. In an even more indirect manner, he happens upon one of his most effective and characteristic devices almost as if by chance-the expositional device whereby the reader is introduced in detail to a strange milieu through the eyes of an outsider, a hero, who is himself seeing it for the first time: "Ce qu'il y a à organiser, c'est de savoir si Etienne est déjà dans la mine depuis longtemps, lorsque je commence, ou si je l'y fais descendre au début de mon roman. En l'y faisant descendre au début de mon roman, j'aurai la crise industrielle dans tout son vif; elle poursuivrait Etienne dans la mine. . . . Cela serait vraiment bien. Et il ferait là son éducation de socialiste, tout en travaillant. . . . Dans ce cas-là Etienne devient mon lien conducteur pour exposer toute la mine, l'enfer d'en bas.... Engagement immédiat et descente. Déjà la grève qui gronde. Très belle exposition. Cela me donne aussi tout le personnel" (foll. 48-49). Those interested in exploring the secrets of artistic creation will also be struck by the extent to which Zola seems to be torn by apparently irreconcilable aims, notably an intense love for simplicity and unity, on the one hand, and, on the other, an equally strong compulsion or creative need to multiply subjects, create divisions, introduce sharp contrasts and tensions. In the process of outlining the novel, he never forgets, as we have already observed, the three major dramatic divisions. Yet as his plans progress we see that, in deliberate reaction to the running analysis of Balzac, he has further sharply dissected his narrative into smaller units--tableaux, parts, chapters--each treated as a distinct force carrying the reader one step closer to the denouement [18]. The various figures and parts of the decor, furthermore, are positioned according to their relative importance on several very separate planes--premier plan, deuxième plan, arrière plan, plan très en arrière. Themes, dramatic components--actions, characters, settings--are likewise analyzed, fragmented, set in bold relief [19]. Meanwhile, apparently extraneous subject matter is introduced and incorporated, but not without enormous effort. We have already suggested how his determination to undertake an accurate holistic study of a typical mine community complicates his attempt to set forth through vivid dramatic examples his very general analysis of the social problem. The unavoidable introduction of Etienne Lantier, with, at first, no clearly defined thematic justification, similarly complicates his task, ultimately leading him to include a whole new theme-the psychology and development of a rising young labor leader, "l'étude de l'ambition, du combat et de l'ignorance, de tout le drame qui doit se passer dans un de ces chefs de la bagarre" (fol. 91). At the same time, the introduction of Etienne immensely complicates the task of achieving dramatic unity. Yet, true novelist that he is, far from resisting multiplicity Zola embraces it. He thrives on it. In the end, the plot is a better plot than it might have been if Etienne, for example, had not been introduced. Gradually, persistently, without much immediate success, he works Etienne deeper and deeper into the central events of the story and does not stop until he has not only restored unity, fully justified Etienne thematically, but also, in the process, gained at the very last moment what he has needed, without seeming to realize it, all along and what neither Rasseneur nor Souvarine can give him--a hero almost in the full classic sense, epic as well as dramatic. Obviously, Zola's logic is essentially inclusive, reconciliatory. The dramatic plot, like the whole novel, grows largely out of a struggle to bring into meaningful harmony a host of more or less clashing themes. We often find him engaged, in this connection, in a curious form of dialectic, which is certainly more common among artists than is generally realized and which consists of setting up alternatives, arguing their respective merits, tentatively settling on one, but -ultimately adopting both. For example, wondering whether to represent capital by a small proprietor or a big stock company, he chooses the latter alternative (foll. 1-2), but then decides to include the small proprietor after all (fol. 6). This, in turn, leads him to ask, faced by a new choice, "si ce n'est pas ce patron-là que je dois mettre au premier plan, en laissant dans le fond la grande mine par société anonyme qui jouerait le rôle de Dieu muet et impitoyable. . . . La grande mine reste alors le décor, le fond, le drame se passe dans la petite mine" (foll. 8-9). But he finally concludes, "Mais il ne faut pas que la grande mine soit un simple décor, il faut qu'elle ait dans le plan une importance au moins égale, et même un peu plus grande que la petite mine. C'est une affaire de disposition dans le plan" (fol. 10). In the same way, anxious to avoid repeating in Catherine one of his earlier characters (Miette, La Fortune des Rougon), he decides, "En faire peut-être une petite fille chétive et ardente, au lieu de la forte fille que je voyais" (fol. 23). But, predictably, be adds, "J'aurais dans la mine une autre fille, une amie de Catherine, grosse fille débordante aux seins énormes" (fol. 24). In an analogous manner, he hesitates as to whether to have a catastrophe at the beginning, middle, or end, decides to have one take place at the end, but ultimately has a catastrophe occur in each of these three parts (foll. 27-31). The principle involved is, of course, a fundamental one, characterizing as it does not only Zola's handling of details but also, needless to say, the larger, more basic alternatives in his art and aesthetics. What saves him is his sense of form, his feeling for firm, powerful design. In a letter dated 24 March 1860, be admonishes Cézanne: "tu dois . . . travailler le dessin fort et ferme--unguibus et rostro . . . pour ne pas être un réaliste, pour pouvoir illustrer certain volume qui me trotte dans le cerveau" [20]. And Germinal is indeed as boldly designed, as strongly structured as any postimpressionist painting. Even as he dissects, fragments, multiplies his subject matter, he manages to synthesize the multifarious elements into an impressive artistic whole partly by arranging them in a carefully calculated, very pronounced state of symmetry, proportion, harmony, balance. "Il faudra absolument au milieu des scènes se passant dans la mine," he categorically observes, "puisque j'en ai au commencement et à la fin" (fol. 35). "Tout à trouver et à équilibrer" (fol. 18), he remarks, setting out to invent his characters; and if, in his final revision, he decides to make his old worker La Maheude's father, it is, as he says, "pour avoir toute une famille à opposer à la famille de mes actionnaires" (fol. 94). The principle of violent opposition thus serves not only to divide and set apart, but also, when carried to its extreme limits and carefully worked out, to effect a kind of balance, which in itself assures within the diversity of the novel a certain strong impressive unity. VI As for the ways in which he reconciles his artistic aims and procedures with his scientific aims and procedures, they are much more complex, as we see in the Ebauche, than his theoretical pronouncements generally suggest. His concern for scientific verisimilitude is never separate from his desire to please; and even where his scientific interests would seem to dominate he remains very much the conteur [21]. The theme of economic class conflict defined at the beginning obviously stirs his imagination quite as much as it arouses his scholarly curiosity; and in the following pages we often find him engaged in a sort of running dialogue between the social scientist and storyteller which does not end until both are fully satisfied. An idea initially unacceptable on thematic grounds, but of clear dramatic value, is never rejected, only put aside, and invariably incorporated as soon as appropriate thematic justification can be found. This is what happens, for example, in the case of the small mine owner, whom he is determined to work into the plot to represent capital along with the big company because this would make "la lutte plus directe et peut-être plus dramatique" (fol. 1). Although logically obliged to prefer the big company to start out with on the grounds that it is more typical of capital in its modern form, he holds on to the idea of the small proprietor and finally introduces him on a firm thematic basis: Dans la grève, si je veux montrer les pertes communes, souffrance des ouvriers et ruine du capital je suis assez mal placé pour le faire avec une vaste et puissante compagnie anonyme. Il faudrait donc que j'aie un autre puits, une petite concession, dont le patron direct serait ruiné par la grève s'étendant . . . . J'aurais sans doute plus d'humanité avec le patron . . . . Il y aurait lieu alors de reporter le drame chez le patron.... Mais quelle serait la conclusion logique. Le grand capital, la société anonyme, assez forte pour résister, et entraînant dans la ruine les patrons qui n'ont pas les reins solides: cela serait bon, montrerait où l'on va à la royauté triomphante de l'argent." (foll. 5-10) At times, his imagination would seem, at least, to gain the upper hand, culminating in the unbridled flight of fancy involving Jeanlin and the deserted pit. A number of secondary Plot elements are thus injected having neither very strong thematic justification nor very strong documentary functions with regard to the local study but included for predominantly dramatic, fabulistic, or other reasons, e.g., to balance the plot, provide contrast, and increase reader interest. But the general impression is that he is making a definite effort to subordinate his imagination, for the time being, to his realism and, furthermore, that he is doing so more rigorously than when composing some of his other novels" [22]. Whatever the ultimate shape of the novel, whatever the ultimate relationships between its realistic, dramatic, and poetic elements may be, he is evidently determined to construct it upon a solidly realistic, factual, social scientific foundation because, as be says at the outset, "C'est là qu'est l'importance du livre . . . posant la question qui sera la question la plus importante du XXe siècle" (fol. 1) [23]. The Ebauche may best be described as, on the whole, a methodical translation of a general social scientific thesis into dramatic terms. In the following two paragraphs, for example, we can see him expanding his initial brief definition of the novel (fol. 1) into a topical outline which might well serve as the basis for a non-fictional tract on the labor problem and then, in the second paragraph, carrying the rendition of his realistic theme into fiction one step further by translating this topical outline into a dramatic synopsis: Je passe aux ouvriers. D'abord, voici la grande marche: les ouvriers réduits à un excès de misère, se révoltent, se mettent en grève, lorsque la compagnie, compromise elle-même par une crise industrielle, veut encore baisser les salaires. Alors, la révolte, peinture de la misère qui augmente, sauvagerie de la lutte. Et enfin la défaite par la faim, les ouvriers capitulant et se remettant au travail. Mais finir par la sensation farouche de cette défaite, bien indiquer qu'ils plient devant la force des choses, mais qu'ils rêvent de vengeance. Les menaces de l'avenir, dernière page du livre. La secousse donnée à la société qui a craqué, et faire prévoir d'autres secousses jusqu'à l'effondrement final. This dramatic synopsis, which might easily turn into the scenario for a factual Robert Flaherty documentary, in turn provides, as we know, the basis on which Zola invents his minimum cast of characters and central scenes and sequences. These, together with amorous subplots and a strong dose of melodrama and fancy, he then elaborates and expands, working in his research notes and field observations, until he has his entire fundamental plot. As he proceeds he applies the essential principles involved in his definition of a fait-générateur--a scientific hypothesis from which he can "deduce mathematically" an entire volume in order to attain "absolute truth," or inner consistency. He first sums up the whole novel in a quintessential phrase-“la lutte du capital et du travai”-an achievement which, we can be certain, has already cost him before starting the Ebauche considerable creative effort. He immediately deduces from this phrase with a logic that is indeed mathematical the main elements of his drama: "Donc, pour établir cette lutte, qui est mon nœud, il faut que je montre d'une part le travail, les bouilleurs dans la mine, et de l'autre le capital, la direction, le patron, enfin ce qui est à la tête" (fol. 1). Commencing with his major assumptions (labor, capital, economic conflict) and generally progressing toward those lower down in his hierarchy of themes, he designates as he goes his corresponding fictional examples (his miners, his big company, his coal strike, etc.). In doing so, he gives precedence to examples which seem to him the most logical, most typical--or, occasionally, as in the case of Souvarine, the most extreme, or radical-instances of what they are to represent [24]. In this almost mathematical logic, we can perceive, needless to say, a strongly rhetorical element. In becoming examples, in being selected to perform such strongly illustrative functions, the various factors involved-Zola's typical people, institutions, and events-do not remain just themselves. They are altered into parts of a microcosm. They become figures of speech, embodiments, substitutions, reflections of something else, something bigger, or higher. As we have already observed, they tend to approach, and in some instances actually turn into, outright allegories. But the essential figure employed in the Ebauche, the figure which more than anything else determines the main progression of Zola's thought as it descends from high generalities to the substantial events of his story, is, of course, synecdoche, synecdoche of a particularly elaborate sort, which ultimately approximates, without ever reaching, the original whole that it sets out to express. VII Yet, informative as the Ebauche may be in these and other respects, it is perhaps already evident that it tells very little about the genesis of the elements most responsible for the enduring value of Germinal as a literary work. As we implied at the beginning of this essay, it provides only the merest, most unsatisfactory glimpse of Zola's genius. What the Ebauche shows, as we have just seen, is the popular side of Zola, the realistic side, the conscious craftsman logically organizing ideas in accordance with a fictional formula and compositional method perfected over a period of years. What it does not show, what, of course, it cannot show, to anything like the same extent, is the less conscious, less deliberate side, the more truly visionary, more fully epical side, the Zola who, when writing well, wakes up in the depths of the night seeing what he is doing with great lucidity and then tries not to think about it "pour ne pas avoir de l'insomnie" and who does his best work when his mind is blank and ideas begin to come a few at a time without confusion or difficulty; the Zola who, although he tries to go about the task of planning and writing his novels logically, phlegmatically, scientifically, tires quickly and suffers from hyperesthesia; the arithmomaniac; the Zola who has a poor memory for very abstract concepts but an extraordinary memory for colors and odors, who thinks by free association primarily in visual images, who finds it difficult to separate ideas from words and tends, consequently, to associate in his fictional development of an idea elements drawn from different connotations of the same term; the Zola for whom the word couteau, for instance, at first inspires a sensation of repulsion and horror at the thought of the violence which a knife suggests and then a sensation of fear, as though a knife were "une bête sournoise qui peut mordre"; [25] the passionate reader of Dante and Hugo, the composer of "Milton aveugle"; the Zola who himself had planned to write an epic to be entitled "La Genèse" and managed to compose only the first eight verses, which yet tell us more about his deepest motivation than anything else, including the whole Roman expérimental: Principe créateur, seule Force première, In the novel itself all the elements of his nature compete, reinforce each other, attain full expression, resolve into a strong consonant whole. In addition to synecdoche, the principal figure applied in the Ebauche, he makes vigorous use of metaphor and symbol, beginning with the darkness, storm, and sea imagery of the first paragraph and ending with the bold dawn and spring symbolism and vision of a black avenging army germinating under the wheat of the final paragraph. The relatively simple structure outlined in the early sections of the Ebauche is transformed into a complex system of interlocking frames. Although, in the Ebauche, all the main elements seem to derive from the eminently realistic definition of the theme at the head, it is impossible to define so exactly the principal theme of the finished version or to say precisely where its chief significance lies. Like many other very complex artistic statements or symbols, it appears to be quite different things from different points of view. It may be appreciated as a realistic Tendenzroman or Erziehungsroman, a reflection of objective nature, or the expression of a temperament or of an age. It is many things seen through many things. To understand it, we must begin, as be suggested to Céard, by studying the mechanism of his eye. In the last analysis, it may perhaps be best defined as a prose epic conveying through a portrayal of a typical mine community swept up in a big strike an objective analysis of the social problem and a subjective vision of history, man, and nature. This is not to say that the Ebauche contains no hints of the poetic qualities that the finished version is to possess. But there are no unambiguous, unmistakable indications that it is to be anything more than a piece of imaginative, superbly organized reporting or semidocumentary fiction. Nor is there anything like an attempt to reproduce the stream of consciousness in which the poetic side of the novel takes shape. We may speculate that his choice of his initial theme is at least in part determined by a realization that the revolt of the masses, a strike in the mines, a love affair between a miner's daughter and a labor agitator may serve as pretexts to treat in original modern dress the eternal poetic themes of love and war, of world destruction and renewal, of heroic descents into the underworld. We may speculate that when he introduces the image of the Dieu inconnu (fol. 2), notes that he must show his miners "au fond d'un véritable enfer" (fol. 19), states that he would like to include a cave-in with everything falling into the abyss (fol. 27), or briefly refers to horses galloping through the galleries of a flooded mine (fol. 27), that he is motivated not only by the concerns of the propagandist or naturalistic novelist but also by an awareness of the poetic possibilities of these ideas [27]. We may also speculate that he has not renounced his ambition, eloquently expressed in a letter to Baille, July 1860, to make an original contribution to his time by writing an epic poem--"j'entends un poème épique à moi, et non une sotte imitation des anciens"--on such powerful contemporary topics as "Les aspirations vers l'avenir, le souffle de la liberté qui s'élève de toutes parts . . . " [28] --topics at the very heart of Germinal. But we do not really know this from anything he puts down in the Ebauche. Despite the epical potentialities of the novel as he plots it in the Ebauche, it is not yet really epical in any proper sense, any more than, as Boileau says, the mere statement "Qu'Enée et ses vaisseaux, par le vent écartés, / Soient aux bords africains d'un orage emportés" is yet, in any adequate sense, epical. And if the Ebauche can tell us little about the logic behind Zola's specifically epical elaboration of his subject, it can tell us still less about the genesis of the visionary, prophetic, and mythopoeic elements which go along with it. At no point, for example, does he intimate in the Ebauche, except perhaps in the vaguest terms where he suggests that his bourgeois are not to blame for the social problem so much as "état de choses supérieur" (fol. 22), that he is to express in Germinal his personal philosophy of history, which Guy Robert compares to Nietzsche's "myth" of Eternal Return; [29] or what Marcel Girard calls his pagan mysticism, [30] his unanimism, his vision of nature, in which men appear, as Jules Lemaitre says, "semblables à des flots, sur une mer de ténèbres et d'inconscience" [31]. But it is impossible to believe that the poet in Zola is not deeply involved in the genesis of Germinal from the very beginning. The epical character of the novel is too strong, too pervasive, the number of precise parallels that can be made with traditional epic forms and subjects too great (wondrous beasts, terrible storms and floods, interventions by superior forces, personifications, battles between heroes and monsters, extended metaphors, powerful rhythms and repetitions, mythological allusions, etc.) for us not to assume behind the novel and engaged in its creation from the start an epic genius of a high order [32]. And while many of the specific images employed in the extended metaphors and symbolism of the novel occur to him in the course of the elaboration, the major poetic themes that they express have a long history not only in his own personal thought but also in the general thought, the group mind, of his age, which he reflects. It is unlikely that these higher symbolic themes do not help determine his choice of subject and plot development in the Ebauche, particularly since, as we know, he defines his art, with reference to Germinal, as a "mensonge" in which observation of objective reality is not an end in itself but a "tremplin" from which truth may leap into the realm of symbol. VIII The Ebauche, then, far from representing all of Zola's intentions, is largely restricted to those having to do with his realistic etudes and action dramatique. It is not by any means a full record of the early genesis, nor is there any indication that he ever meant it to serve such a purpose. It does not, and cannot, faithfully reflect, except perhaps at brief moments, the continuous series of occurrences whereby the novel first took shape in his consciousness [33]. It is not a log. It is his reference outline, the fundamental plan to which he can, and often does, return to refresh his memory as he goes about preparing other sections in the Notes de travail [34]. It represents his attempt to order or reorder his ideas in such a way as to relate them logically to the theme that he has selected as his fait générateur, or nœud, (which is not the same thing, necessarily, as his première pensée). It shows him constructing the solid, self-contained naturalistic novel within a novel, the strong "springboard" that he needs if he is to achieve his epic ambitions, his poetic saltus mentis. It shows him restraining and, at the same time, stimulating his powerful imagination by a self-imposed discipline which can, however, no more create great fiction in itself than the French academic method of painting, with which his compositional procedure presents close analogies, can in itself create great paintings. To assume, as some critics have, on the evidence of his ébauches and other work notes, that his novels are primarily products of a kind of technical handicraft, patient, eminently logical, systematic, down-to-earth, with little room for mystery, is to misunderstand the specialized function of his notes. We suspect that he is quite as much engaged as Balzac in (to borrow Gautier's phrase) "une lutte plus terrible que la lutte de Jacob avec l'ange" [35]. The basis of his art lies, to a considerable extent, in myth, and its deepest origins are as mysterious as the origins of myth [36]. It results from the intervention of a rather deliberate, historically determined logic in the work of another, more shadowy, more primitive logic. What is most lasting in it has its source not in the highly self-conscious reasoning of the ébauches but in the process of symbolization which, as the primordial manifestation of the human spirit, has always been, and always will be, at the root of great art. PMLA, 80 (Dec. 1965), 571-583. ____________________ [2] For example, Henri Massis, Comment Emile Zola composait ses romans (Paris, 1906), p. 85, asserts that in his ébauches "il écrit ses soliloques, parole par parole, tels qu'ils lui viennent. Il met là tout ce qui lui passe par la tête. . ." Return. [3] See Martin Kanes, "Germinal: Drama and Dramatic Structure," MP, LXI (1963), 12-25. Kanes suggests that Zola, having planned a play before the novel, wrote an ébauche with theatrical purposes in mind. Return. [4] Zola's early notes for the Rougon-Macquart series, Bibl. Nat., MS., Fonds français, Now. acq., 10303 and 10345, are partially reproduced by H. Massis, pp. 15-74, and Maurice Le Blond in the Bernouard edition of La Fortune des Rougon (Paris, 1927), pp. 353-363. For a recent analysis, see René Ternois, "Les Rougon-Macquart: naissance d'une œuvre," L'Education Nationale (16 Oct. 1952). Return. [5] Les Romanciers naturalists (Bernouard), pp. 275-279. See especially the passage beginning p. 277: "Cela est triste à confesser . . . mais nos succès, à nous tous, sont un peu faits du lyrisme qui s'infiltre quand même dans nos œuvres.... Hélas! j'en ai peur, ce n'est pas encore la vérité qu'on aime en nous, ce sont les épices de langue, les fantaisies de dessin et de couleur dont nous l'accompagnons." Return. [6] La Fortune des Rougon (Bernouard), p. 355. Return. [7] Correspondance (Bernouard), 11, 636-637. Return. [8] See, for example, J. H. Matthews, Les Deux Zola: Science et personnalité dans l'expression (Geneva, 1957), pp. 86, 91-93, et passim; Gaëtan Picon, "Le 'Réalisme' d'Emile Zola: du 'tel quel' A l'œuvre-objet," Les Cahiers Naturalistes, no. 22 (1962), 235-240; C. A. Burns, "Documentation et imagination chez Emile Zola," Les Cahiers Naturalistes, nos. 24-25 (1963), 69-78. The common tendency of earlier criticism to set up a distinction between two sharply opposed Zolas greatly oversimplifies the true nature of his creative thought; e.g., Massis' affirmation, pp. 97-98, "qu'il y a en Zola 'deux bonshommes distincts,' comme disait Flaubert, l'un épris de mélodrame ... l'autre qui s'efforce au contraire d'être réaliste, et s'acharne de tout son courage à combattre le premier ... et c'est précisémentt à cette lutte perpétuelle, à ce désaccord entre ces deux hommes différents que nous assistons en lisant l'Ebauche [of L'Assommoir]." Return. [9] See also Zola's letter to Ernst Ziégler, 16 April 1884, Correspondance, II, 614. Return. [10] Max Weber on the Methodology of the Social Sciences, tr. and ed. by E. A. Shils and H. A. Finch (Glencoe, Ill., 1949), pp. 74-75. Return. [11] Cf. Robert Redfield, The Little Community: Viewpoints for the Study of a Human Whole (Chicago, 1955), p. 152: "There is always some prearrangement of the facts before the actual investigation." Nevertheless, Zola has been criticized as unscientific in this respect by a number of critics, e.g., Jacqueline Chambron, “Réalisme et épopée chez Zola,” La Pensée (Sept.-Oct. 1952), p. 127. See also, however, Ida Marie Frandon, Autour de “Germinal”: La Mine et les mineurs (Geneva, 1955), pp. 110-111. Return. [12] Preface, Cabinet des Antiques, in L'Œuvre, ed. Albert Béguin (Paris, 1953 et seq.), p. 299. Return. [13] "L'Enfant, martyr de la mine," Mercure de France, no. 1168 (1960), 654-666. Or see her Anatomie d'un chef d'œuvre: "Germinal" (Paris, 1964), pp. 115-130. Return. [14] La Fortune des Rougon (Bernouard), p. 359. His fear that the public would be repelled by the scientific character of his works unless he included a good story is expressed in the same passage, which reassures his publisher (Lacroix): "Il ne faudrait pas croire, d'après ce plan, que l'œuvre sera dure et rigide comme un traité de physiologie ou d'économie sociale. Je la vois vivante et très vivante. Tout ce que je viens de dire s'applique à la carcasse intime de l'ouvrage. Chaque volume contiendra une action dramatique . . . " Return. [15] Yet, as Guy Robert, Emile Zola: Principes et caractères généraux de son œuvre (Paris, 1952), p. 54, points out, Zola does not hesitate to use the word poème to describe his intentions in the ébauches of Le Ventre de Paris, Nana, Au Bonheur des Dames, and La Terre. Return. [16] A more complete list would also include: arranger, arrêter, attitude, cadre, caractère, centre, chapitre, commencement, conversation, début, décor, déduire, dénouement, dérouler, description, distribuer, drame personnel, épisode, établir, étudier, expliquer, exposition, faire agir, faire pendant à, faire prévoir, faire tomber toute la clarté sur, figure d'arrière plan sans commencement ni fin, figure de deuxième plan, fin, finir sur, fond, grande étude centrale, grande marche, imaginer, indiquer, intérieur, intrigue, inventer, laisser dans le fond, laisser dans le vague, lutte, mêler, mettre au premier plan, mettre en scène, mettre la première menace, milieu, montrer, montrer la figure qui conduira, nommer, nommer d'une façon abstraite, nuance, opposer, partie, partie supérieure, passif, plan, plan très en arrière, point important, poser discrètement, pousser au summum de l'intensité possible, préparer, raconter, raisonnable, rappel, régler, réplique, reporter le drame chez, reprendre, représenter, rester dans la coulisse, roman, romance, sans tralala, scène, simple décor, situation, supprimer, tableau, tempérament, terminer, traverser, trouver, type, vrai. Return. [17] Zola himself suggests the comparison in a youthful letter to Cézanne, 14 June 1859 (Correspondance, 1, 7) : " . . . Je suis comme M. Hugo; l'aime les contrastes." Return. [18] Cf. his early Rougon-Macquart notes, La Fortune des Rougon, p. 355. Return. [19] Zola is often deliberately inconsistent in his manner of portraying character; e.g., in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, he distinguishes between characters whom, if necessary, he could have transplanted from the street into the novel without altering any of their principal traits, and those created to translate an idea or represent a preconceived type (MS. 10294, foll. 9-10); in L'Assommoir, between the majority, created to represent a documentary cross section of worker types and Gervaise, Coupeau, and Nana. "Ici, je suis en plein dans mon drame, et je réclame toutes les libertés qu'on accorde aux dramaturges" (Correspondance, II, 469). There is no evidence that he ever considered dividing his characters in Germinal this way, but he does indicate that the difference between his main protagonists and secondary characters is largely to be found in their relative complexity (Correspondance, II, 636). Return. [20] Correspondance, I, 53. Note that he opposes strong design to realism. Return. [21] For his distinction between romancier naturaliste and conteur, see Le Roman experimental (Bernouard), pp. 181, 212, 223, et passim. Return. [22] In the Ebauche of Le Ventre de Paris, he declares that "l'idée générale est le Ventre; le ventre de Paris, les Halles ou la nourriture afflue, s'entasse pour rayonner sur les quartiers divers . . . le ventre de l'humanité et, par extension, la bourgeoisie digérant, ruminant, cuvant en paix ses joies et ses honnêtetés moyennes; enfin le ventre dans l'empire . . ." (MS. Bibl. Nat. 10338, fol. 47), La Conquête de Plassans is to be "La province satisfaite et jouissant après le coup d'état" (MS. Bibl. Nat. 10280, fol. 1), La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, "Eve et Adam s'éveillant au printemps dans le paradis terrestre" (MS. Bibl, Nat, 10294, fol. 3), Son Excellence Eugène Rougon, "l'ambition d'un homme qui idolâtre sa force et son intelligence" (MS. Bibl. Nat. 10292, fol. 1), La Terre, "le poème vivant de la terre" (MS. Bibl. Nat. 10328, fol. 400). Return. [23] It would, consequently, be somewhat difficult to prove with regard to Germinal what Fernand Doucet concludes about Zola's works in general, that each is "le développement d'une idée de poète qui s'adresse à l'allégorie pour la matérialiser"--L'Esthétique de Zola et son application à la critique (Paris, 1923), p. 175. Return. [24] For a discussion of Souvarine as a realistic literary type, see E. Tersen, "Sources et sens de Germinal," La Pensée (Jan. Feb. 1961), p. 82. Return. [25] Dr. Edouard Toulouse, Enquête médico-psychologique sur les rapports de la supériorité intellectuelle avec la névropathie. I. Introduction générale: Emile Zola (Paris, 1896), pp. 174, 204, 205, 207, 243, 250, 252, 275, 278, 279. Return. [26] Alexis, Emile Zola: Notes d'un ami, p. 54. Return. [27] Evidence of a particular fascination with, for example, the infernal qualities of mines may be found in the list of proposed titles for the novel (MS. 10308, fol. 425), the Ebauche (foll. 19, 42, 49), the chapter plans (e.g., MS. 10307, fol. 233), and correspondence, as well as the novel itself. See his letter to a newspaper editor (Correspondance, 11, 651): "C'est dans l'enfer du travail que je suis descendu . . ." Note also the title of a novel that almost certainly influenced him, Yves Guyot's Scènes de l'enfer social--La famille Pichot (1882). The theme of lovers in hell inspires the first canto of his youthful epic L'Amoureuse comédie. In a letter to Cézanne, 16 Jan. 1860 (Correspondance, I, 29), he says that he is reading Dante and indicates that he is especially moved by the episode of Paolo and Francesca: "je lis Dante et voici la phrase que j'ai trouvée dans le chant V de l'Enfer: 'L'amour qui ne fait grâce d'aimer à nul être aimé' etc ... Et je me suis dit que Dieu veuille que le grand poète ait raison." The importance he gives to the analogy between social warfare and a storm may also be inferred from, among other things, the list of proposed titles (e.g. "L'Orage qui monte"). Return. [28] Correspondance, I, 137. The words avenir and souffle occur in another title considered by Zola for Germinal: "L'Avenir qui souffle" (MS. 10308, fol. 425). Return. [29] “La Terre" d'Emile Zola: Etude historique et critique (Paris, 1952), p. 383. See also Mircea Eliade, The Myth of Eternal Return (New York, 1954). Return. [30] "Situation d'Emile Zola," Revue des Sciences Humaines (April-June 1952), and "L'Univers de Germinal," in the same journal (Jan.-March 1953). Return. [31] Les Contemporains, 1ere série, p. 281. Return. [32] The Voreux mine, for example, is transformed through a wealth of metaphor into a wondrous beast with whom the miners battle, notably Souvarine, who with heroic courage sabotages the mine by weakening the tubbing, which is metaphorically compared to a monster's throat (Part VII). The miners' strike is consistently presented in terms of a vast storm culminating in the inundation of the Voreux in scenes intended to suggest analogies with great legendary floods. Not only is nature personified, but also, for "ample, the clouds that flee in horror at the sight of Jeanlin's killing the little soldier Jules and the mine superstructures which go down like giants. In the scene recounting the meeting in the woods the full moon is represented as exerting an irresistible influence upon the sea of miners. One could multiply such analogies. The full list has yet to be drawn up. Zola was himself fully aware, of course, of the close historical relationships between the novel and the epic and stressed them in a paper composed for the Congrès Scientifique de France in Aix-en-Provence, 1866, reproduced in Le Blond's notes in the Bernouard ed. of Le Roman experimental, pp. 334 ff., under the title "Le Roman dans I'antiquité et dans les premiers temps du christianisme." Among the many critics impressed by the epical qualities of Germinal, mention must be made of Lemaitre, loc. cit., P. Moreau, "Germinal" d'Emile Zola, épopée et roman (Paris, 1954, a mimeographed "cours de Sorbonne"), and Harry Levin, The Gates of Horn (New York, 1963). Return. [33] This would be true even if it had not been written in several sittings. Robert and Grant-see Grant, p. 143--suggest where the breaks might occur. There is no evidence in the Ebauche itself, however, that any of its original pages are missing. There is, on the other hand, internal evidence that Zola has thought about certain elements in his dramatic subject matter independently of the order in which he incorporates them into the Ebauche or "deduces" them from his central themes; e.g., his statement that be intends to make Catherine into a frail type, "au lieu de la forte fille que je voyais" (fol. 23). It is also noteworthy that he does not mention any of the three novels which may have influenced him, Hector Malot's Sans famille (1878), Maurice Talmeyr's Le Grisou (1880), and especially Guyot's Scènes de l'enfer social (see above). The extent of his debt to these authors is a matter for scholarly debate. Yet the fact that he does not refer to them in the Notes de travail in itself proves nothing, since there is no reason why he should. Return. [34] See, for example, at the end of his first detailed plans for the final chapter (MS. 10307, fol. 396), his list of topics to be treated, in which he not only refers himself to specific passages in the Ebauche but also repeats phrases from it verbatim: "Le Dieu capital inconnu, accroupi. La sensation farouche de la défaite chez les ouvriers, la secousse donnée à la société qui a craqué, et faire prévoir d'autres secousses, jusqu'à l'effondrement final. Reprendre l'idée d'une révolution sociale, fatale. (Trois, partie, chap. i.) Le dieu capital (Ébauche 22) La rentrée au puits. Les ouvriers Toi aussi Toi aussi (Eb 30) très important." Return. [35] Honoré de Balzac (Paris, 1859), p. 72. Return. [36] For an analysis of Zola's major personal "myths" see Robert, Emile Zola, pp. 95-112. Cf. Eliade's discussion of some "myths of the modern world" in Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries (New York, 1960). In Myth and Reality (New York, 1963), p. 191, Eliade, remarking that one can show the literary survival in modem fiction of mythological themes, observes that this is true "especially in regard to the initiatory theme, the theme of the ordeals of the Hero Redeemer and his battles with monsters, the mythologies of Women and of Wealth," and concludes that "the modern passion for the novel expresses the desire to hear the greatest possible number of 'mythological stories' desacralized or simply camouflaged under ‘profane’ forms." See also The Gates of Horn, p. 469, and, for parallels with Hebraic, Greco-Roman, and Celtic myths of death and resurrection, world destruction and renewal, P. Walker, "Prophetic Myths in Zola," PMLA, LXXIV (Sept. 1959), 444-452. A further remarkable parallel is suggested by Eliade, Myth and Reality, p. 81: "A large number of myths feature (1) a hero being swallowed by a sea monster and emerging victorious after breaking through the monster's belly; (2) initiatory passage through a vagina dentata, or the dangerous descent into a cave or crevice assimilated to the mouth or the uterus of Mother Earth. All these adventures are in fact initiatory ordeals, after accomplishing which the victorious hero acquires a new mode of being." The analogy with the successful passage of Zola's hero through the belly of the elaborately metaphorical Voreux monster submerged under the subterranean sea, "cette mer souterraine, la terreur des houillères du Nord, une mer avec ses tempêtes et ses naufrages, une mer ignorée, insondable, roulant ses flots noirs" (VII.ii), confirms our suspicion that Zola possesses not only an epical, but also a mythopoeic, genius of extraordinary power. Return. ![]() Remarques sur l'image du serpent dans « Germinal » Parmi les nombreuses métaphores dont Zola se sert dans Germinal, figure celle du reptile, qu'on trouve pour la première fois dans le troisième chapitre de la première partie, lorsque Etienne, s'initiant aux mystères du fond du Voreux, tombe sur un train de berlines arrêté qui se présente sous forme d'un serpent endormi : «Des trains de berlines pleines ou vides passaient continuellement, se croisaient, avec leur tonnerre emporté dans l'ombre par des bêtes vagues, au trot de fantôme. Sur la double voie d'un garage, un long serpent noir dormait, un train arrêté, dont le cheval s'ébroua, si noyé de nuit, que sa croupe confuse était comme un bloc tombé de la voûte. Des portes d'aérage battaient, se refermaient lentement. » Quelques pages plus loin (ch. IV), Chaval, las de travailler sur la veine, se tourne, reste un instant sur le dos, et, exaspéré par la présence d'Etienne dans la mine, s'écrie : « Espèce de couleuvre! Ça n'a pas la force d'une fille. » Dans le troisième chapitre de la quatrième partie, Etienne, qui habite chez les Maheu, la même chambre que Catherine, la regarde se déshabiller « d'un mouvement si souple de couleuvre, qu'il retirait à peine ses souliers, quand elle disparaissait, tournant le dos, ne montrant plus que son lourd chignon » ; et dans le sixième chapitre de la quatrième partie, il essaie de suivre Jeanlin, dont il voit la chandelle au fond d'une galerie: « Seulement, où l'enfant passait à l'aise avec sa souplesse de serpent, lui ne pouvait se glisser sans meurtrir ses membres. » Dans le deuxième chapitre de la cinquième partie on constate que l'image d'un serpent ou d'une couleuvre se rencontre quatre fois, d'abord au moment où Chaval n'entendant plus le bruit des roues de la berline de Catherine, qui vient de s'évanouir, et croyant qu'elle flâne, la gronde : « Eh! Catherine, sacrée couleuvre. » En se remettant de son évanouissement, cependant, elle se défend: « Vois-tu. ... tu avais tort de crier là-bas, car je n'en pouvais plus, vrai !... Mais tu verras, tout à l'heure, si je suis une couleuvre. Quand il faut travailler, on travaille, n'est-ce pas ? » Et pourtant, dans la déroute qui suit la coupure des câbles, vers la fin du même chapitre, on la retrouve emportée, entraînée par ce serpent composé des corps des mineurs, « ce long serpent d'hommes se coulant, se hissant, trois par échelle, si bien! que la tête déboucherait au jour lorsque la queue traînerait encore sur le bougnou... Personne ne parlait plus, seuls les pieds roulaient avec un bruit sourd ; tandis que les lampes, pareilles à des étoiles voyageuses, s'espaçaient de bas en haut, en une ligne toujours grandissante ». Et Catherine, grimpant les échelles, craint encore Chaval : « Il l'aurait traitée de couleuvre si elle avait avoué sa lassitude. » Enfin, dans le cinquième chapitre de la septième partie, l'eau qui inonde le Voreux, en montant dans l'endroit où Catherine et Etienne se sont réfugiés, revêt la forme terrifiante d'une bête rampante, reptile ... : « Ce qu'il savait, c'était que devant lui par le trou de la cheminée, il avait vu reparaître le flot noir et mouvant, la bête dont le dos s'enflait sans cesse pour les atteindre. D'abord, il n'y eut qu'une ligne mince, un serpent souple qui s'allongea; puis cela s'élargit en une échine grouillante, rampante; et bientôt ils furent rejoints, les pieds de la jeune fille endormie trempèrent. » Bien qu'il ne s'agisse pas d'un des principaux développements métaphoriques du roman, on a néanmoins ici un très bel exemple d'une des façons habituelles dont l'imagination de Zola transforme sa matière réaliste en une vision de poète -- sans toutefois violer les règles de la vraisemblance naturaliste. Chaque fois qu'il évoque l'image d'un serpent, ou d'une couleuvre, elle paraît si naturelle, si peu recherchée comme figure de rhétorique, que sa fonction immédiate semble suffire pour expliquer sa présence dans le texte. Et pourtant, pour peu qu'on y réfléchisse, il devient évident que la valeur poétique, voire même symbolique, de cette image est plus considérable qu'il ne le paraît au premier abord. En retraçant son évolution à travers le livre, on constate, par exemple, que Zola tend à l'associer le plus souvent avec le personnage de Catherine, ou au moins avec l'idée de la femme. Ce qui est encore plus frappant, c'est que, à une seule exception près -- et quel que soit le prétexte dont il se sert pour l'introduire dans le texte -- il évoque toujours l'image du serpent dans des passages consacrés aux descriptions de la vie des mineurs dans les galeries, et cela non seulement au commencement du roman, mais aussi dans les grandes scènes qui se déroulent dans les mines au milieu et à la fin du roman, de sorte que l'on est amené à conclure que l'idée du serpent fait corps avec la conception imagée qu'il se fait de cette vie. Et, en effet, on sent qu'il en avait besoin pour obtenir l'effet de cauchemar et toute la puissance symbolique qu'il donne à dessein à ces descriptions du monde souterrain. Car le serpent, c'est bien entendu une des incarnations traditionnelles du mal; et on sait que c'est consciemment que Zola vise à dépeindre les mines, et le monde des opprimés qu'elles représentent, comme « un véritable enfer» [1] : dans cette intention, il accumule des images qui font penser non seulement aux enfers de la mythologie gréco-romaine, mais aussi à l'imagerie populaire chrétienne (la gueule d'enfer, les démons, les bêtes fantastiques, la bestialité, les couleurs rouges et noires, etc.) -- où le serpent joue un rôle central. C'est surtout dans le deuxième chapitre de la cinquième partie que l'analogie entre les mines et l'enfer chrétien nous parait la plus poussée et que la référence au serpent et à la couleuvre est la plus fréquente. Mais si le serpent rappelle le prince des ténèbres de la légende, il symbolise plus précisément dans Germinal la classe, le système, le milieu maudit dans lequel vivent, inéluctablement emprisonnés, les ouvriers. Et dans l'envol irrésistible de cette figure de Dante, ou de Milton, de ce gigantesque serpent d'étoiles formé de lampes, des ténèbres de la terre jusqu'à la lumière et le soleil, n'y a-t-il pas une image apocalyptique du soulèvement des salariés, de la révolution du prolétariat? Par extension, on peut y voir aussi une image de la nature, souvent malfaisante, de cet univers qui, comme le professeur Girard l'a bien relevé, « ne se contente pas de peser sur l'homme » mais aussi « engendre des monstres qui l'attaquent » [2]. Les Cahiers naturalistes, no 31 (1966), 83-85. _____________________________ [1] Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. 10307, f. 420. Return. [2] « L'Univers de « Germinal », Revue des Sciences Humaines, fasc. 69, janvier-mars, 1953, p. 67. Return. ![]() The Octopus and Zola: a New Look For a student of Zola a novel like Frank Norris's The Octopus can be a curious, almost disconcerting experience--somewhat like meeting a man who, at first sight, appears to resemble an old friend closely enough to be his twin but, upon further acquaintance, turns out to be really quite different. The similarities between The Octopus, which is the most Zolaesque of Norris's novels, and Zola's own works on related subjects are, for the most part, striking and obvious. They have impressed many critics over the years, and a considerable literature pointing them out has accumulated, including two very nearly exhaustive scholarly studies [1]. Both Norris and Zola are attracted by the same sort of material. What, after all, would have delighted Zola more, if he had chosen to treat an American subject, than the prospect of portraying, as Norris has in this book, the tragic, violent struggle of a group of Californian wheat ranchers against a monopolistic railroad? Both, furthermore, go about the business of developing their subject matter in much the same way. Both mingle realism and romanticism. Both transform realistic, romantic, and other elements into symbols of a poetic vision of life. And it is apparent that Norris not only has been influenced by Zola's view of nature and major poetic themes but has also mastered something of Zola's epical and lyrical manner and appropriated many of Zola's most characteristic techniques, words, and images. He imitates Zola's use of repetition, Homeric epithet, recurrent metaphor. He adopts the typical Zolaesque device of making his chief viewpoint character an outsider. He insinuates his own commentary into indirect discourse in such a way that one can never be quite sure whether he is reporting his own thoughts or those of a character. It is obvious also that he shares Zola's love for authentic detail, deafening rhythms, exaggeration, the gigantic, extraordinary, violent, dynamic, terrible, animal, and visceral. Like Zola, he has a proclivity for images suggesting devouring and digesting on a colossal scale. He cultivates, like Zola, images of fecundity, germination, birth, death, and resurrection. He evokes sea and storm images, refers symbolically to bursting seeds, contrasts the male and female principles, depicts the beast in man, the human insect, portrays the inhuman forces that overwhelm man, excels at creating an atmosphere heavy with impending doom. His metaphorical treatment of the railroad, big business, crowds, and the Wheat, or Earth, theme, in particular, parallels Zola's to a surprising degree and frequently results in an almost uncanny resemblance. One may think, for example, of his description of a harvester in Book II, chapter vi--an awesome machine whose "header knives, cutting a thirty-six-foot swath, gnashed like teeth" and whose progress recalls "the feeding of some prodigious monster, insatiable, with iron teeth, gnashing and threshing into the fields of standing wheat; devouring always, never glutted, never satiated, swallowing an entire harvest ... " [2] The differences between Norris and Zola are less easy to define. As William Dean Howells remarks with respect to McTeague, "It is saying both too much and too little to say that Mr. Norris has built his book on Zolaesque lines" [3]. Heavily as Norris leans on Zola for inspiration, he is never a servile imitator. The extent of his debt to other sources--the American transcendentalist tradition, for instance--is, as scholars are gradually discovering, quite considerable. His preoccupation with the theme of loneliness especially betrays a peculiarly American character. But aside from such relatively obvious divergences there are others that we may sense strongly but find extraordinarily hard to grasp, and yet must grasp if we are to understand what is most original and essential in the temperament of each novelist. I mean those that persist even where Norris's similarity to Zola is most striking and where Norris himself may be most firmly convinced that he is imitating his French model. My own suspicion is that the crucial differences between Norris and Zola--or, more exactly, between The Octopus and the novels that it most closely resembles, Germinal, La Terre, and La Bête humaine--may be found in the different kinds and amounts of realism, romanticism, and symbolism that they contain and the different ways these elements are combined. Norris is, of course, by no means completely wrong to regard Zola's naturalism, as he writes in one of his essays, as "midway between the Realists and the Romanticists, taking the best from each"; nor is he entirely mistaken in his insistence on the affinity between Zola and Hugo. Reacting to the realism of Howells, who is for him the archetypal realist, he is attracted by Zola's penchant for, as he puts it, "the extraordinary, the imaginative, the grotesque." Comparing Zola and Hugo, be notes that in both one finds "the same huge dramas, the same enormous scenic effects, the same love of the extraordinary, the vast, the monstrous, and the tragic." Yet his notion that the chief difference between Zola's work and Hugo's "lies chiefly in the choice of Milieu" is obviously mistaken [4]. Unfamiliar with all the nuances and currents of French literature and prone to oversimplification, he not only exaggerates Zola's kinship with Hugo; he apparently fails to see how closely Zola is related to the Parnassians and Symbolists, not to mention Balzac, Stendhal, and Flaubert, none of whom are realists in the prosaic sense that he associates with Howells. More interested in imitating Zola's manner than in espousing his deepest motivations, he does not seem to realize to what a great extent Zola's art, despite strong romantic vestiges, grows out of a reaction to romanticism. He does not appear to appreciate the degree to which Zola's originality results from a fresh act of poetic creation. He evidently does not perceive that the most fundamental tension in Zola's art does not reside so much in the dialogue between realism and "romance" that dominates his own fiction [5], as in a much deeper conflict: the inner spiritual struggle of nineteenth-century Frenchmen torn between scientific and prescientific modes of approaching truth. Nor is there any indication that he suspects how very much Zola's fiction at its best is--in fact, has to be if it is to satisfy the spirit of his age--a kind of "lie" in which apparent fidelity to the scientific method partially masks an intense process of poetic symbolization [6]. It is this attribute of Zola's art that I miss most, perhaps, in The Octopus--this crafty duplicity that flatters our modern cult of science while at the same time almost furtively, in a way only half-avowed, quenching our largely repressed thirst for poetry and myth. Norris makes relatively little attempt to achieve such an apparent, deliberately misleading subordination of the poetic to the more properly reportorial activity of the novelist. On the contrary, not only is his break with romanticism far less severe than Zola's; he does not even try to hide his nostalgia, one might even say his preference, for the romantic mode. In contrast to Zola, he is obviously determined to make realism compatible with romanticism and accepts realism only insofar as it can be shown to possess romantic qualities. Like his principal mouthpiece, Presley, a young San Francisco poet, he wants to be a realist while remaining a romantic. He has never lost his romantic love of color, movement, exuberance, pageantry, exoticism, his romantic passion for ruins, sunsets, exalted places, sheer immensity, his romantic faith in inspiration, his romantic preoccupation with the inner life of sensitive, poetic, superior youths. As he relates the events of his story, naturalism and romance alternate in a kind of dialectic producing not so much a new synthesis as an ever stronger accommodation of naturalism to romance. He plays with the two modes, juggles them, sets them off against each other, combines them in an extraordinarily skillful counterpoint determining in large part the intimate structure of the novel. The basic tension involved is brought to the surface and explicitly analyzed in his development of Presley. As the novel begins we learn that Presley's ambition is to write a great epic poem about the West, "that world's frontier of Romance" (p. 7). But he is prevented from doing so by what he regards as certain highly unromantic facts--the sordid lives of the little people, "these uncouth brutes of farm-hands and petty ranchers, grimed with the soil they worked upon," their eternal bickerings with the Pacific and Southwestern Railroad, and the Railroad itself stretching across the romantic San Joaquin valley. "In the picture of that huge romantic West that he saw in his imagination, these dissensions made the one note of harsh color that refused to enter into the great scheme of harmony. It was material, sordid, deadly commonplace. But, however he strove to shut his eyes to it or his ears to it, the thing persisted and persisted. The romance seemed complete up to that point. There it broke, there it failed, there it became realism, grim, unlovely, unyielding" (p. 9). Insofar as Presley is concerned The Octopus is the story of his conversion from romance to naturalism. But it is a conversion which consists more in a change of subject matter than of his innermost literary ambitions. At first unable to reconcile the harsh reality with his dreams, he despairs: "To-day, the life was colorless," he reflects. "Romance was dead. He had lived too late. To write of the past was not what he desired. Reality was what he longed for, things that he had seen. Yet how to make this compatible with romance" (p. 16). But he cannot give up: "But the stuff is here," he mutters. "The romance, the real romance, is here somewhere. I'll get hold of it yet" (p.10). At the height of the struggle against the Railroad he at last succeeds. Casting aside his "Song of the West," he dashes off with great passion a new poem, "The Toilers," inspired by the very sort of subject matter that had at first repelled him. He can do so not only because of the new humanity awakened in him by the sight of the people's suffering, but also because the dramatic turn of events has made it possible for him to be concerned with the people in what is essentially a romantic way. He is at last able to demonstrate that romance is not dead, that the present can be as romantic as the past, that the common man, railroads, modern economic warfare can fire the romantic imagination quite as much as the subjects traditionally associated with romance. The whole novel is an elaborate illustration of the same thesis. The style, themes, subject matter, narrative arrangement--all reflect the evident intention of the author to juxtapose his two dominant literary modes in such a way as to bring out not only their differences but also the great deal that they have in common. What he borrows from the romantic tradition he balances with what he takes from realism. Romantic characters like Vanamee, a lovesick shepherd with mystical powers, rub elbows with realistic ranchers, clerks, bankers, society matrons, and business tycoons. The fanciful and sentimental parable of Vanamee and Angèle is woven into the story of the ranchers' fight with the Railroad. Such highly romantic places as the Spanish-American village of Guadalupe, a flower-seed ranch, an old Mission are contrasted with such realistic places as the modern town of Bonneville and an exclusive social club in San Francisco. The full extent of Norris's romantic bias becomes more and more apparent as we approach the end of the book [7]. In the final chapter, in what is certainly one of the most curious passages that he has ever written, he concludes the love story of Vanamee and Angèle with a scene in which he obviously confounds with realism-or perhaps I should say naturalism-what anyone else would regard as an almost incredible romantic dream: He turned eastward, facing the celestial glory of the day, and sent his voiceless call far from him across the golden grain out toward the little valley of flowers. It is true that this passage, as well as the entire episode of Vanamee and Angèle has in some important respects an undeniably Zolaesque quality. The Seed Ranch recalls the Garden of Paradou. Angèle is strongly reminiscent of Angeline in Zola's story La Maison hantée, where he treats basically the same allegorical theme--the survival of the species, the eternal recommencement of life out of death [8]. Zola also sometimes includes a deliberately fanciful subplot even in his most serious naturalist works [9]. But Norris steps much further beyond the limits of realistic verisimilitude than Zola habitually does--especially in the great novels on which The Octopus is otherwise most closely patterned. Despite his insistence that his narrative of the lovers' meeting is not only realistic but actually illustrative of the superiority of "Reality" to "Romance," it is impossible to pass it off as realism or naturalism in any of the senses commonly given to these terms. Angèle, this miraculous reincarnation of her long-buried mother, whom she replaces in Vanamee's heart, is--with her amazing, exotic beauty--anything but just another "simple country girl." And Vanamee himself, this college-educated shepherd with mysterious telepathic gifts and an ascetic face recalling "the younger prophets of Israel, dwellers in the wilderness, beholders of visions, having their existence in a continual dream, talkers with God, gifted with strange powers" (p. 439), is hardly an ordinary lover. The embrace of this strange couple is naturalistic only insofar as we are willing to accept Norris's mistaken definition of naturalism as "Hugo" in a realistic setting (in this instance, sunlight and parched ground where before had been moonlight and flowers). To the extent that Norris's sources are in Zola, they are largely in Zola's secondary or more eccentric works. Like Vanamee, whom we see earlier in the novel beseeching God to grant him "something real, even if the reality were fancied" (p. 104), Norris is at least as interested in the illusion of reality as in reality itself. There is in The Octopus a more obtrusive element of romantic wish fulfillment and revery than one almost ever encounters in Zola's mature work. The peculiar balance between dream and objective reporting which is of the essence of Zola's art in Germinal, La Terre and even La Bête humaine is missing. As one compares the two authors it is also increasingly apparent that Zola's fiction is more profoundly--and perhaps essentially--symbolic. The more one studies Zola, the more one realizes how ubiquitous, complex, elaborate, and deep his symbolism is [10]. If this is not immediately suspected, it is because few writers have managed to introduce symbol and metaphor so discreetly. Few have so well mastered the modern art of establishing theme through the symbolic potentialities of the realistically concrete rather than through evident symbol or authorial analysis. The function of his more obvious poetic imagery is to help us see through his "lie" into the inner poetic universe of his novels. At their best--one may think, for example, of the metaphorical development of the Voreux mine in Germinal--his images assume hallucinatory force [11]. They become true symbols, prophetic visions, myths. At times in The Octopus Norris almost begins to achieve something of the same hallucinatory, even prophetic and mythopoeic power. It is significant that in most of these instances, however, he is developing images directly inspired by Zola, as when he describes the ploughing of the earth in sexual terms or when, recounting the visit of one of his characters to the Pacific and Southwestern office in Bonneville, he transforms the railroad into a nightmarish octopus: It was the long stroking caress, vigorous, male, powerful, for which the Earth seemed panting. The heroic embrace of a multitude of iron hands, gripping deep into the brown, warm flesh of the land that quivered responsive and passionate under this rude advance, so robust as to be almost an assault, so violent as to be veritably brutal. There, under the sun and under the speckless sheen of the sky, the wooing of the Titan began, the vast primal passion, the two world-forces, the elemental Male and Female, locked in a colossal embrace, at grapples in the throes of an infinite desire, at once terrible and divine, knowing no law, untamed, savage, natural, sublime (p. 90). But far more often than in Zola's novels, Norris's images are more purely rhetorical. Occasionally they may achieve nearly Homeric force, as in an epic description of a ranch gang's supper after a day of ploughing: The table was taken as if by assault; the clatter of iron knives upon the tin plates was as the reverberation of hail upon a metal roof (p. 91) At their worst, however, they degenerate into superfluous embellishments--prose more purple than one ever finds in Zola; e.g., It was the mystery of creation, the stupendous miracle of recreation; the vast rhythm of the seasons, measured, alternative, the sun and the stars keeping time as the eternal symphony of reproduction swung in its tremendous cadences like the colossal pendulum of an almighty machine--primordial energy flung out from the hand of the Lord God himself, immortal, calm, infinitely strong (p. 436). It is particularly in such passages that we see how radically his fiction may differ from Zola's ideal. Instead of introducing metaphor discreetly, almost subversively, he often allows himself to be carried away by it. He capitalizes symbolic terms like Earth and Wheat. He extemporizes in figures of speech with the joyous abandon of an old-fashioned Bible preacher, piling up figures upon figures, glorying in simile and parable, but rarely letting them (like Zola and the symbolists) stand by themselves. He habitually gives us both the metaphor and the thing it stands for. He explains and interprets, muffling his figures in exegesis often verging on fantasy, as in his elucidations of the symbolic story of Vanamee and Angèle, mingling with Zolaesque wheat symbolism solemn quotations from Saint Paul (e.g., see pp. 99-100). Sometimes, having evoked an image, he destroys it, as when, having done his utmost to create an impression of vastness in a landscape, he writes, "The ploughs, thirty-five in number, each drawn by its team of ten, stretched in an interminable line, nearly a quarter of a mile in length" (p. 88). He often mixes metaphors so freely that it is impossible in the end to imagine anything at all, referring, for instance, all on the same page (p. 370) to the Railroad as an "octopus," a "great iron hand," a "great wheel," a "Hydra," a "monster with iron claws," a "Moloch," and a "Juggernaut." We are clearly here as well as throughout much of the rest of the novel in the realm of rhetoric, not true poetic vision. What could have become Zolaesque symbols, visionary hallucinations, tends to degenerate into a mere jumble of figures of speech. One reason is that any consistent, compelling vision of reality is lacking in Norris. Zola's dominant poetic intuitions, his philosophy of reality, his chief assumptions as to the nature of things, or what Guy Robert calls his personal "myths," are fairly fixed quite early in his career; they evolve, but, for the most part, they do not radically change [12]. Those who persist in regarding Zola's art as primarily an attempt to demonstrate certain deterministic notions concerning the effects of heredity or environment or to apply the experimental method of Claude Bernard to fiction fail to grasp what is most essential in his view of life--his poetic vision of a universe in which the myth of the individual soul which Christianity has treasured up for us has already almost disappeared, in which there is only one soul shared by all things, a world revolving endlessly through great cycles of destruction and renewal, a world in which good and evil hardly exist in their traditional sense, a world trembling with premonitions of catastrophe yet filled with hopes of rebirth, a world in which one senses that time is finally ripe again for a metamorphosis of the gods, a frighteningly modern world in which nevertheless the oldest mythological themes seem to have taken on new life, what, for example, Mircea Eliade refers to as "the initiatory theme" or "the theme of the ordeals of the Hero-Redeemer and his battles with monsters" or "the mythologies of Women and of wealth" [13]. In an art destined to express such a content, metaphor must inevitably become a form of revelation. If Norris had lived longer, his philosophical ideas and poetic insights might well have achieved something of the richness, depth, and coherence of Zola's. But it is obvious to anyone who has read The Octopus that in this novel his views have not yet coalesced, far less reached that point of harmonious strength required to shape a unified artistic form capable of imposing them upon other minds. The most various elements--Christian and post-Christian concepts, parables from the Epistles of Saint Paul, ideas from Darwin and Mill, romantic dreams, American gilded age aphorisms, ill-digested socialist doctrines, deterministic notions, apparent reaffirmations of the freedom of the will, a vague belief in a personal God apart from creation, vague pantheistic tendencies--all contend for survival or tend to give way to a facile, essentially meaningless philosophy which reduces everything to the interplay of vast impersonal forces [14]. The Octopus is the work of a man groping for a satisfying vision, a man with the Protestant's heightened vulnerability to traumatic experience and sudden violent conversions. What it expresses above all, perhaps, is metaphysical anxiety, an anxiety which, in certain final pages, becomes shrill, dominant, infinitely disturbing and is hardly dispelled by the Sunday-school optimism of the last paragraph, the assertion that "all things, surely, inevitably, resistlessly work together for good" (P. 448)--as hollow, as unconvincing as the typical Hollywood happy ending. In short, while in Zola metaphor tends to serve primarily as a means for effecting the flight of the poet from the springboard of factual observation and documentary realism to the greater truth of symbol and revelation, Norris's imagery, lacking any strongly cohesive poetic or metaphysical vision to express, tends to be more purely rhetorical, more subordinate to his frankly romanticizing fancy, his love, which he shares with Zola, for (as he says with respect to Presley) "terrible formless shapes, vague figures, gigantic, monstrous, distorted, whirling at a gallop through his imagination" (P. 7). Symposium, 21 (Summer 1967), 155-165. Reprinted with permission of the Helen Dwight Reid Educational Foundation. Published by Heldref Publications, 1319 18th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036-1802. www.heldref.org Copyright © 1969. Author's Note: Rereading this essay in the light of my later studies of Zola's philosophical and religious thought, I wonder if it would not need to be revised a bit in the paragraphs that deal with the difference between Norris's and Zola's world views. Both authors (Zola perhaps even more than Norris) reflect the philosophical and religious confusion of their age. Both are caught up--and play active roles--in what, as I note elsewhere, Jung once called a new "metamorphosis of the gods--that is, of the fundamental principles and symbols"--of which, as he also says, "modern art is symptomatic." PDW (Aug. 20, 2005) ______________________ [1] Marius Biencourt, Une Influence du naturalisme français en Amérique: Frank Norris (Paris, 1933), Chs. IV, V, et passim. and Lars Åhnebrink, The Beginnings of Naturalism in American Fiction (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1950), Ch. X et passim. Return. [2] The Octopus: A Story of California, ed. Kenneth S. Lynn (Boston, 1958), p. 423; subsequent references will be found in the text. Return. [3] "A Case in Point," Literature, March 24, 1899. Howells was one of the first to point out at length Norris' reliance on Zola. See Warren French, Frank Norris (New York, 1962), p. 127. Return. [4] "Frank Norris's Weekly Letter," Chicago American, August 3, 1901, p. 5, reprinted by Donald Pizer in his excellent edition of The Literary Criticism of Frank Norris (Austin, Texas, 1964), pp. 73-75. Return. [5] "Romance--I take it--is the kind of fiction that takes cognizance of variations from the type of normal life. Realism is the kind of fiction that confines itself to the type of normal life" ("A Plea for Romantic Fiction," Boston Evening Transcript, December 18, 1901, p. 14, Pizer's ed., pp. 75-78). Pizer, pp. 69-70, analyzes Norris's use of the two terms. Return. [6] Cf. Zola's letter to Henry Céard on the nature of his "Mensonge"; "Nous mentons tous plus ou moins, mais quelle est la mécanique et la mentalité de notre Mensonge? Or-c'est ici que je m'abuse peut-être--je crois encore que je mens pour mon compte dans le sens de la vérité. J'ai l'hypertrophie du détail vrai, le saut dans les étoiles sur le tremplin de l'observation exacte. La vérité monte d'un coup d'aile jusqu'au symbole" (Correspondance, Les Œuvres complètes, II, ed. Maurice Le Blond, Paris: Bernouard, 1927-29, p. 637). Return. [7] Cf. his own admission in a letter to Isaac Marcosson, dated September 13, 1900, quoted by Franklin Walker, Frank Norris: A Biography (New York, 1963), pp. 265-266: "It is the most romantic thing I've ever done. One of the secondary sub-plots Vanamee and Angèle is pure romance--oh, even mysticism, if you like, a sort of allegory-I call it the allegorical side of the wheat subject---and the fire in it is the Allegory of the Wheat." Return. [8] Contes et nouvelles, II, Bernouard edition, pp. 641-654, Zola's last nouvelle, written in 1899 and first published in the New York Herald. Return. [9] Cf Paul Alexis, Emile Zola: Notes d'un ami (Paris, 1882), pp. 99-100. In the working notes of Germinal, for example, he expressly singles out the part of the novel centering on Jeanlin as an element of fantasy. See Philip Walker, "The Ebauche of Germinal," PMLA, LXXX (1965), 576. Return. [10] Cf., for example, the conclusion of John Lapp's Zola before the Rougon-Macquart (Ontario, 1964). p. 161: "It is this symbolic and creative vision that ensures Zola's place in the history of the novel. He is closer to Baudelaire and Rimbaud than to Daudet and Maupassant..." Or cf. Marcel Girard's "Zola visionnaire," Montjoie, I (1953), 6-9, and "Naturalisme et Symbolisme," Cahiers de l'Association internationale des études françaises," No 6 (1954), 97-106. Return. [11] See Marcel Girard, "L'Univers de Germinal," Revue des sciences humaines, January-March 1953, 59-76. Return. [12] Guy Robert, Emile Zola: Principes et caractères généraux de son œuvre. (Paris, 1952). See also Lapp. Return. [13] Myth and Reality (New York, 1963), p. 81. Return. [14] The extent to which Zola was tempted by a similar philosophy may be gauged by his remark, in his early notes for the Rougon-Macquart series, that he would adopt the philosophy of materialism, "je veux dire la croyance en des forces sur lesquelles je n'aurai jamais le besoin de m'expliquer. Le mot force ne compromet pas." Quoted by Le Blond in his edition of La Fortune des Rougon (Bernouard), p. 356. Return. ![]() The Mirror, the Window, and the Eye in Zola's Fiction At the present time, in literature, the important thing is not to create characters that the public will greet as old acquaintances; it is to invent a lorgnette with which you will make us see people through new lenses, show pictures in a new light, create a new optics. -- Edmond and Jules de Goncourt The object or the person you have chosen as your subject is just a pretext; genius consists of portraying this object or person in a new way, a way which is truer or grander. -- Emile Zola Zola, like Balzac, Flaubert, and Proust -- not to mention those more recent novelists whom we sometimes refer to collectively as the Ecole du Regard -- has done far more than create a world; he has imposed upon us a mode of vision. He was a man obsessed with the phenomena of optics and the psychology of perception -- a man, furthermore, for whom sight and insight, vision and understanding, were intimately, even inextricably, related. This is particularly apparent when we consider the role played in his fiction by things which limit or modify perception. The window, the mirror, the eye -- all those things which intervene between the observer and the object observed, which obstruct light, frame, filter, bend, transform it or interpret the data it transmits -- are, indeed, among the most central, recurrent, and characteristic motifs of his art. They occupy in his short stories and novels a place at least as important as, let us say, the eye alone in the paintings of Redon or the window, the mirror, as well as the eye, in much late nineteenth and early twentieth-century poetry and painting. The wardrobe mirror in which Nana contemplates herself while comte Muffat looks intently on is certainly as memorable -- and significant -- as the mirror in Manet's Nana or The Bar at the Folies-Bergères, or even the "mirror which reflects in its changeless calm / Hérodiade of the bright diamond gaze" in Mallarmé's poem. One thinks too of the window scenes in L'Assommoir, the opening scene, for example, in which we are introduced to Gervaise as she sits watching by the window for Lantier's return. And we may remember, perhaps, the remarkable descriptions of Catherine's eyes in Germinal -- eyes "gleaming with a greenish light, like a cat's" and "limpid as spring-water, their crystalline depths made deeper still by the blackness of her face." But elsewhere in Zola's writings there is a multitude of other eyes, other windows, other mirrors that also persist in our memories. A complete list would be almost endless. Think, for example, of the host of mirrors and other reflecting objects which Zola alludes to or describes just in La Curée alone, a novel which, as we know, is partly based on the myth of Narcissus: the little mirror, for instance, which Maxime takes out of his pocket during class, sets between the pages of his book, and gazes into for hours on end. Or the immense mirror which covers the wall of the first landing of the grand staircase of Saccard's house and in which Renée examines herself as she goes upstairs, wondering, as she watches her image loom up before her, whether she is really as delightful as people say. The mirrors in her fabulous dressing room, which they compare with the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. Or the mirror in which she catches a reassuring glimpse of herself at her first ball at the Tuileries. Everything about her flashes in the light, as in the scene where Zola describes the reflections scattered by her diamonds, those "fountains of fire" reflected in turn by the polished sides of the chafing dishes, the forks, the spoons, the knives with their mother-of-pearl handles and blades transformed into "bars of flame." Add to these the descriptions of the lake in the Bois de Boulogne that frame the whole work. "This limpid mirror ... round, like an immense sheet of pewter," "this great mirror of polished silver, reflecting the dazzling face of the sun," is presented from the start as the glowing hub of a world of flashing reflections: the "silky rounded forms of the umbrellas" which "mirrored the light like moons of metal," the slick blue panels of a calèche reflecting the landscape, the brilliant reflections set in motion by the procession of fashionable carriages. "Everywhere a thousand dancing lights flashed, rapid gleams crossed in the wheels, sparks of light flew out of the harnesses shaken by the horses. The ground, the trees, were covered with broad, fleeting reflections from all these shiny surfaces." Yet Zola would seem to be even more preoccupied with things which let light pass through than with those which merely reflect it: The keyhole of the door of Jacques' room in La Confession de Claude, for instance, or the gaps in the barn door through which Madame Hennebeau's party watches in terror the mob of strikers sweep by in Germinal. We may recall the optical instruments which play a part in Zola's novels: Renée's eye-glasses or, in La Débâcle, Delaherche's spy-glass or the spy-glass through which King William surveys from afar the battle of Sedan. Or we may remember the curious sequence of scenes where the heroic but weak-eyed Weiss, consumed with desire to follow the German attack on Bazeilles, first adjusts his binocle by folding the glasses over, the one upon the other, to lengthen its range; then substitutes the spectacles that he keeps for emergencies, when he wishes to see with great distinctness; then, as he watches through his window the Germans approaching ever nearer, supplements his spectacles with his binocle until he can make out the gold of their epaulettes and helmets; then, finally, in his excitement as he fires, breaks his spectacles and finds it impossible to keep his binocle from slipping off his perspiring nose, and cries out, "Oh! if only I had my eyes!" But of all such light-admitting, light-transmitting objects, Zola is concerned above all with the window. No element in the setting of his fiction is more ubiquitous or prominent; and this is true almost from the beginning. The whole décor of La Confession de Claude, with the exception of a single chapter, is dominated by windows: the sunless window in Claude's room, facing the black courtyard wall; the similar window in Marie's room, facing the same wall; and Jacques' window, with its drawn blind, across the way, "a great square of yellow light," which Claude watches for hours. The opening pages of Thérèse Raquin are dominated by windows -- the dingy shop windows of the glass-roofed passage du Pont-Neuf, including the window through which we first glimpse Thérèse herself -- or the bedroom window in which we see her again, looking out into the night. Consider all the windows in La Curée, the Montmartre restaurant window through which Renée and Saccard look down on Baron Haussmann's Paris, or the window through which Renée, alone, her eyes raised toward heaven, gazes out shortly before her death. Among other Rougon-Macquart novels, Le Ventre de Paris, La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, Une Page d'amour, and Nana, note the window through which Florent drinks in the fresh air rising from the Seine as evening falls; the two large windows through which Serge first reluctantly, then eagerly, surveys the earthly paradise that he is to inhabit with Albine; the window through which Hélène gazes out interminably on the Paris which reflects her every mood; the window of Fauchery's room beneath which Muffat stands, gazing up, trying to find some evidence of Nana's presence there; or the window through which Nana and George contemplate the open countryside. Germinal, also, as we know, contains numerous scenes showing people looking out of windows, as do La Bête humaine and La Débâcle. But above all we are struck by Zola's obsession with the eye, that window -- or mirror -- of the soul. Although he does not neglect any of the senses, his universe is first and foremost a spectacular universe, a universe dominated by the eye. Everywhere we turn we are confronted by eyes, induced to follow the motions of eyes, informed as to the particular state of eyes at some precise moment or other, or told of the effects produced by eyes. "Across from me, behind a little pane of glass set in the way," complains a girl sitting behind a street-fair peephole in Celle qui m'aime, "I always see an eye looking at me. Sometimes it's black, sometimes blue. If it weren't for that eye, I would be perfectly happy, but it takes all the pleasure out of my work. At certain moments, what with it there, all alone, by itself, and fixed on me, I grow afraid; I want to scream and run away." In La Confession de Claude, Claude, Zola's alter ego, remarks with respect to the eyes of the dying prostitute Marie, "One must never bend over the eyes of someone dying, because they are full of light and so profound that their abysses make your head spin. One wants to see what these enlarged eyes see; one is consumed with frightful curiosity to learn something about the unknown. Whenever Marie looks at me, I want to die, to go away with her to know what she will know. . . ". Remember old Madame Raquin's eyes in Thérèse Raquin -- eyes lovely with a heavenly loveliness, of which Zola says, "Nothing could be more strange than these eyes laughing like lips in a dead face, the lower part of which remained bleak and colorless while the upper was filled with divine radiance." Or Maxime's eyes in La Curé -- "two blue holes, bright and smiling, coquette's mirrors, behind which one could perceive all the void of the mind." Or the eye of Renée's father, that old Minos, fixed on Saccard and probing his conscience to the very depths. Or the Emperor's eyes as they ogle Renée -- murky eyes with fulvous gleams in their "gray hesitancy." Or Weiss's eyes, in La Débâcle, "blazing, tearless eyes, distended as if they would start from their sockets." Germinal presents a series of unforgettable eyes -- and not only Catherine's, which I have already mentioned, but la Brûlé's owl eyes, Maigrat's little eyes, with their lecherous flicker, Jeanlin's green eyes that shine in the dark, and all the other gleaming, often fiery eyes of this revolutionary novel. (Nowhere else, except perhaps in Paris does Zola impart to the eyes of his characters so great a power to project upon the outer world the raging lights of the human soul caught up in its own incandescent visions.) Thus we have the effect of Souvarine's face -- particularly the eyes -- on Etienne: "This fair face, with the dreamy eyes that sometimes lighted up with fierce red glints, frightened him and at the same time exercised some strange fascination over his willpower." Likewise Rasseneur, with "some sanguine emotion ... burning through his skin and flaming through his eyes," or abbé Ranvier, that "lean priest with eyes like burning coals," which "shown with such fire that they lit up the dark room" in which Alzire lay dying; and the old man with "eyes blazing like burning coals under his livid brow" whom Etienne glimpses as he bids farewell to the mines. Nor does Zola, in this novel and elsewhere, omit descriptions of the eyes of animals -- the eyes of the old mine-horse Bataille, cat-like eyes that sometimes take on a far-away look and can see in the dark; Trompette's staring eyes dilated with terror; the eyes of the cat in Thérèse Raquin, round, strangely dilated eyes which seem to understand everything and stare at Laurent with such frightening fixity that he is forced to lower his own; or the thousands of "imperceptible jet-black eyes" of the shrimps and prawns displayed in the fish market in Le Ventre de Paris. But Zola goes even further and, as we know, endows with eyes or eye-like characteristics even what we commonly suppose to be inanimate objects -- the "two huge yellow eyes" of the Voreux mine in Germinal; or, in La Bête humaine, the train headlamp which first looks like a star, but which, as it rushes ever nearer Flore in the tunnel, becomes "an enormous eye, growing bigger and bigger, shooting forth, as it were, out of the socket of the shadows"; the "yellow eyes" of the vehicles that Renée glimpses passing from time to time in the darkness outside her window in Saccard's house; the red navigation light that follows "with its bloody eye" Florent as he strolls along the Seine; the chapel window which Angélique, the heroine of Le Rêve sees at night as she gazes at the cathedral and which is the only one which lights up as evening falls, "like a vague eye open on the night"; or the moon going down behind the cathedral, "like an eye of bright light being covered by its eyelid." However, we are impressed not only by the multiplicity of mirrors, windows, eyes, and similar objects in Zola's fiction, but also by the important, indeed essential, functions they perform. For they are, in my opinion, the principal means whereby Zola accomplishes what he calls, in a celebrated letter to Henry Céard, his "lie" -- the truthwards ascent from fact to symbol, from an objective view of the world to an all-embracing religious and philosophical vision, which is perhaps the most distinguishing feature of his art. At the very least, they serve to remind us that we are dealing with an artist who is less interested in the external objects he is portraying than in their reflections and, above all, the images and visions that they help provoke in the conscious mind. No doubt we must distinguish between those objects which let images pass through freely, with little or no distortion, and those which subject them to more or less radical modifications. The open window serves over and over again as a means whereby the isolated subject can enter into communion with the totality of nature. But even when, upon such occasions, a Claude, Florent, or Nana stands looking out, letting himself be absorbed by the immensity of creation, we are aware that he is still, nevertheless, inside something looking out. The contact that takes place at such times between the inner and the outer worlds, the human world of the room and the infinite world outside, is necessarily limited by the particular dimensions and location of the window involved: it restricts us to a very definite point of vantage. Moreover, the closed window, the pane of glass, the mirror, the lens, not to mention the eye itself, no matter how transparent or translucent, are screens, barriers, media which subtract from the images projected through, or reflected by, them something of their immediacy and substantiality, while adding to them new, extraneous qualities. By multiplying reflected and filtered images, Zola greatly facilitates the transition, or continual modulation, in which he is characteristically engaged between objective and subjective modes. By degrees we are led from simple distortion and dematerialization to the most extreme synthesis of the real and the illusory, the real and the ideal, the photographic and the visionary, document and symbol. The tiny panes of a shop window in Thérèse Raquin "strangely water the merchandise with greenish reflections." A cheap, greenish mirror gives Laurent's features a hideous grimace as he stoops over to see the bite made in his neck by Camille. At Gervaise's wedding, two large, heavily fly-spotted mirrors, one at each end of the room, seem to stretch the table out to infinity. The wavy pane of glass that Zola inserts between us and Madame Maigrat looking down upon her husband's death and mutilation distorts her features in such a way that we do not know whether she is really smiling or not. The drawn shades of Jacques' room in La Confession de Claude translate real people and events into meaningless, grotesque shadows. The "Mirror of Love" in Celle qui m'aime transforms an ordinary girl into every man's personal dream. The Crystal Grotto in which Nana appears in Mélusine, one of her final triumphs, transfigures her into a goddess. The stained-glass figure of Saint George in the lighted chapel window first invades Angélique's dreams, where it becomes bigger than life, then is confounded by her with Félicien when he first appears in the darkness under her window. The pond at Chalot described by Zola in Aux Champs is a "steely mirror" which reveals in its absolutely calm surface "another world" where the "pure images" of the encircling wood are exactly repeated and yet which seems to possess a light of its own, flaming "in the depths of the shadows like a diamond," emitting the brightness of Diana bathing. The silvery surface of the common well in La Fortune des Rougon imparts to Miette's smiling face the "vague grace of a phantom." Its mysterious depths, filled with greenish gleams clouding the stones with strange reflections, inspire in the two young lovers a kind of awe; and they return to it again and again, preferring to communicate with each other's reflections rather than see each other face to face because of the infinite charm. the sleepy water gives to their meetings. The eye merely continues this metamorphosis of appearance into illusion and vision begun by the window and the mirror, which may themselves, as we have begun to see, be endowed with varying degrees of consciousness and even eye-like characteristics. Nevertheless, this "window open on creation" is the locus par excellence where the dialogue between the world of the individual human mind and the universe at large takes place in Zola's fiction. Standing outside the eye and looking in, we can read the condition of its owner's soul or, like Claude gazing into Marie's eyes, make out in their profundities the "pure blue light" of the soul itself. Standing behind the eye, as it were, and looking out -- as we are led to do time and time again -- we are confronted by a vision of a corner of nature filtered through an individual temperament. We are limited not only to a certain definite physical point of view, but also to a very precise psychological point of view; for Zola tends more than most of us to confound the physical eye and the inner eye, the eye of the soul. The sensations of the objects on which we are induced to focus reach our consciousness screened and colored by the biases, emotions, values of a particular psyche. The sordid tenement on the rue de la Goutte d'Or does not seem ugly at all to Gervaise when she first visits it with Coupeau. In the eyes of King William, looking down on the battle of Sedan from afar, "the fearful blood smeared battle, seen from this height, under the sun's farewell rays, became as it were a delicate piece of painting." But the visions that loom up before us as we take up position behind the retinas of this or that character consist of far more than merely a bombardment of sensations imbued with the subjective attitudes proper to that character. To a great extent, Zola's fiction may be taken as an illustration, no doubt largely intentional, of the psychology of Hippolyte Taine. By this I mean not only Taine's psychological observations as expressed in the introduction to the Histoire de la littérature anglaise, with which we know Zola was familiar, but also the detailed analyses of perception in De l'intelligence, which did not come out until 1870, after Zola had already completed several novels. In page after page, including many of the most memorable in his writings, we are presented with what amounts to a mimesis of the interplay between sensation and imagination which Taine studied at great length and out of which, he believed, emerges the world of the mind. On the one hand, Zola is constantly attempting to describe sensations in the form in which they first enter the consciousness -- for example, what we actually see when we are looking at people, animals, and other small objects in the distance. In the opening pages of De l'intelligence Taine remarks, we recall: "When you look down on the Champs Elysées from the summit of the Arc de Triomphe, you perceive a multitude of black or diversely colored specks which move on the roadway and sidewalks. Your eyes cannot distinguish anything more." Over and over again, Zola may be found evoking similar phenomena -- and occasionally even in the same terms. For instance, for Renée, returning from the Bois, the strollers on the Avenue de l'Impératrice, in the shadow of the Arc de Triomphe, are only "groups of black specks." As King William looks down on Sedan, his eye is "amused by the scrambles of retreat, the vortex of running, falling black specks." On the other hand, however, an enormous part of Zola's descriptive talent is devoted to describing not just sensations, but sensations mingled with mental images -- representations of past, future, or possible sensations -- or images alone, often, at least briefly, indistinguishable from sensations and tending, when unchecked, to turn into hallucinations. Blinded by the sunlight filling his upturned eyes as he lies with Laurence in the bottom of a dark hole in the country, Claude is treated to the spectacle of what seems to be "thousands of stars." Haunted without respite by hallucinations of Camille, Thérèse and Laurent "blinded themselves by staring into the blazing fire, and when something forced them to glance nervously to one side, their eyes, dazzled by the red-hot coals, created the vision and gave it a ruddy glow." Nana thinks she sees an animal. "But then she stood rooted to the path in amazement. It was a man. . ." Approaching the Voreux in the inky darkness for the first time, Etienne does not see the mine as it might be seen by a native of the region. With nothing to go on but a few obscure sensations, his imagination conjures up a "fantastic vision, smothered in darkness and smoke." It is only when he hears the "husky long-drawn-out breathing of an exhaust pipe, somewhere near but invisible" that he recognizes a coal mine. But, later on, the original image returns, even more fantastic and terrifying than before -- "Le Voreux, crouching in its hollow like a vicious beast . . ." The little soldier in Part VI sees through his tear-filled eyes the empty moor of his native Plogoff, "that savage storm-beaten peninsula of the Raz appeared before him under a dazzling sun in the pink flowering season of the heather." Bataille, up to the moment of his death in the flooded mine, is haunted by the vision of his youth, "the mill where he was born on the bank of the Scarpe . . . the vague memory of the sun burning in the open sky like a huge lamp." As a dying Catherine makes love with Etienne, "the darkness lightened, she saw the sun again, she laughed again in the happiness of a girl's untroubled love." This welter of images mingled with sensations that tend to survive as new images -- all verging on, and sometimes turning into, hallucinations -- transports us farther and farther from the objective sphere and deeper and deeper into the subjective realm. The raw images or representations which supply the subject-matter of the mind, as Taine would say, are transformed, by a kind of ascent, into a poetical and figurative creation. In a celebrated passage already mentioned, we do not see Nana's nude body itself so much as its reflection in a mirror. This reflection is, in turn, reflected once again, in the mirror of Muffat's mind, filtered through Muffat's eyes, tinged by Muffat's emotion, his old horror of woman, the "lascivious, musky-smelling monster of the Scriptures." No doubt he is still partly dazed by the fire at which he had been staring before he raised his eyes; and Zola suggests how deeply the count has been impressed by the literary image of Nana that he has just come across in Fauchery's article -- the metaphor of the golden fly. What finally results is a phantom, a purely subjective image of great symbolic force: Nana transformed into a Golden Beast. "Muffat continued to stare, obsessed, possessed, until finally, when he closed his eyes in order not to see, the animal appeared in the darkness, enlarged, terrible, exaggerating its posture. He knew it would remain there, before his eyes, in his flesh, forever." Nothing, of course, could be more characteristic of Zola. What he shows us time and time again is not the world as it might appear to the eye of a camera. It is not even the world as it might be perceived by a man completely awake and in full possession of his reason. It is a vision resulting from the endless dialogue that goes on in his fiction between appearance and reality, the thing seen and the medium through which it is seen, sensation and imagination, the real and the ideal, objective creation and the magic mirror of the mind. As we read Zola, we are constantly aware of being involved in an imitation of the process whereby the soul and its extension in the eye -- and the lenses, mirrors, and windows that serve as adjuncts to the eye -- create, out of a ceaseless influx of minute sensations the towering structure of its own highly symbolic world. At the same time, because we are not limited, as in most fiction, to a single point of view or even two or three points of view, but are led to identify ourselves with a vast multitude of eyes, our vision of the world becomes enormously complex, multiple, and fragmented. The number of physical and psychological points of view from which the battle of Sedan is presented to us in La Débâcle is legion. So also is that from which we are induced to envisage the major actions and settings in Germinal. And what impresses us is not only the multiplicity of eyes through which we are introduced to Zola's world, but also their near-infinite variety. It is as though he were trying to make us view it from every possible bias, every possible vantage point. He even attempts to describe a part of the setting of Germinal -- the interior of the Voreux -- as it might appear through the eyes of a horse. In Part I, chapter 5, Trompette, who has just been lowered into the mine, does not move, but seems lost "in the nightmare of this black and endless cavern, this vast chamber full of noises." Elsewhere, the novelist may go so far as to turn the clock back in order to recount an event as it had been seen through the eyes of different characters. For example, he twice describes the arrival of La Maheude and her children at the Grégoires' in Part II of Germinal, once in a way that makes us see it partially through the eyes of the capitalists, the other exclusively through the eyes of the proletarians. Part V of the same novel is full of similar repetitions. More commonly he fills and surrounds the areas where the crucial events of his novels take place with witnesses all of whom he has prepared to serve as viewpoint characters -- observers or participants with whom he induces us to establish some degree of empathy. His presentation of the death and mutilation of Maigrat is a good example. This episode, which is absolutely central in Germinal, the culmination of the scenes of mass violence in Part V, is set up and portrayed in such a way that when we attempt to visualize it in retrospect, we find ourselves doing so simultaneously through the eyes of a whole community. We envisage it not only through the eyes of Maigrat himself and his wife, but also the mine director, the various representative capitalists, the proletarian women who attack Maigrat with Dionysiac fury, Etienne, and the whole multitude of other strikers. A motion picture camera could not possibly achieve the same effect, nor could even a Cubist painter any more than suggest it. It is like looking at life through a huge prism. Zola's world is a world filtered and reflected by a host of windows, mirrors, eyes. All these things are penetrated by light streaming from the mysterious reality that lies beyond them. Each, after having refracted it and colored it according to its own nature, its own optics, sends on to us the luminous rays. We are led to look at the same things over and over -- or at different parts of the same thing -- from widely contrasting viewpoints. This is true not only of certain episodes in this or that particular Rougon-Macquart volume, but of the series as a whole. As we approach the concluding pages, we have an almost overwhelming impression of having seen the Second Empire from almost every imaginable physical and psychological point of view. In other words, we seem to have witnessed (and this is one of Zola's great achievements) a moment in history as it was seen, or could have been seen, by all the myriad finite awareness in which its fleeting events were recorded. We have observed a corner of nature through a whole constellation of windows, mirrors, and eyes saturating the entire portion of time and space involved. In the process, Zola has done far more than merely impress us with the relativity, the limited, often illusory qualities of the glimpses of reality afforded any individual mirror, window, eye, or mind. A species of vision has emerged which is radically different from the individual perceptions out of which it is composed. By a kind of miracle there results something approaching the holistic, all-penetrating vision we associate with the eye of an angel or omniscient, all-seeing God. It is true that we never come even close to attaining this angelic, this divine vision. We never exceed certain grave limits. In contrast to Balzac, for example, Zola never supplies us with precise information concerning the future of any of his characters. The shape of things to come remains vague, glimpsed at the most through dark presentiments based on very general insights into the course of history. The novelist's powers of empathy are restricted very largely to the human and the animal. He can place himself, as we have seen, behind the eye of a horse. He can even, at certain moments, read into the thoughts of plants, as in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret where the whole Paradou is shown watching and applauding the embraces of Serge and Albine. But the eyes that he gives to a locomotive, for example, or a mine or a heavenly body remain foreign, mysterious, and strangely terrifying. Furthermore, he rarely tries to make us see whatever visions, if any, are in store for us beyond the limits of the grave. He almost always focuses on the sublunar, the here and now. We may find exceptions in his early works, notably La Confession de Claude and Le Vœu d'une morte. As Claude stares into the eyes of the expiring Marie her soul invades him, and during the dark night following her death his own gaze, inspired by hers, pierces the frontiers of normal human vision: "The night was clear, I saw all the way to God . . . I looked at the sky. I seemed to see, in its calm, quiet expanse the soul of the world, the eternal being made of all beings.... And alone, facing this tearing of the night, this slow and majestic birth of day, I seemed to feel in my heart a young force, invincible, an immense hope." In Le Vœu d'une morte, as Daniel dies, "on the threshold of the infinite," he finds himself entering "into a blinding light." But in the Rougon-Macquart, Zola is more cautious, more skeptical. The dead Maigrat, for example, is shown lying on his back, his eyes wide open, staring up at the zenith of heaven; but we are not told what, if anything, he saw. Nevertheless, as we progress from novel to novel and the number of separate viewpoints from which we glimpse Zola's Second Empire grows, our vision soars higher and higher towards cosmic vision. We begin to sprout, as it were, the wings of Argus. Although, as I have suggested, this vision never bursts through the bonds of the finite, it comes extraordinarily close to doing so. It is significant that the next-to-the-last novel of the series, La Débâcle ends with a luminous vision in which the Second Empire -- that is to say, the slice of reality that Zola is showing us in his novels -- is metamorphically transformed into a display of fireworks: "It was the final pyrotechnic display, the gerbe reserved for the grand finale of the imperial celebration, the gigantic bouquet of purple as if all of Paris were burning like a giant bundle of sticks, some tinder-dry primaeval forest soaring heavenward in a great cloud of sparks and swarming flames." Taine uses the same image in De l'intelligence to describe the totality of sensations at the root of the ideas or internal events which together constitute the ego -- "a flux and a bundle of nervous vibrations comparable to a fireworks display": This fireworks display, prodigiously multiple and complex, mounts and renews itself incessantly by myriads of rockets. Beside the luminous gerbe which is ourselves, there are other analogous ones which compose the corporeal world . . . An infinity of rockets, all of the same sort, which, at diverse degrees of complication and altitude, shoot up and redescend incessantly and eternally in the blackness of the void, this is all that physical and spiritual beings are . . . That Zola and Taine both apply the same image to describe the totality of events with which they are concerned can hardly be entirely coincidental. Both are trying to suggest an all-embracing vision of the world as it must appear to our senses and imagination before abstraction and language have enabled the understanding to discover the persistent laws, or facts, underlying the eternal flux of things. It is also significant, I think, that in Le Docteur Pascal, the final Rougon-Macquart novel, Zola, though still far from attaining complete Godlike vision, has, nevertheless, progressed far enough to dare to invite us to look at human reality through the eyes of the totality of things. I am thinking in particular of the episode in which, as Little Charles slowly bleeds to death, tante Dide, the ancient matriarch of the Rougon-Macquart family, watches helplessly, staring at him "vacantly, with neither pleasure nor pain, as eternity might look as it stared at the earth." Zola does not attempt in this passage to identify his own gaze with that of the Great Whole at any greater length; but it now becomes apparent, if, indeed, it has not already done so, that one of his aims -- perhaps even his chief aim -- in the Rougon-Macquart series has been to lead us to the threshold of cosmic vision. Probably there is no one simple explanation for all the various phenomena that we have noted. Zola's use of windows may be taken as an illustration of his celebrated theory of "screens," as John Lapp has suggested with reference to the "Mirror of Love" in Celle qui m'aime[1]. Or the multiplication of spectators, the broad distribution of viewpoints that we find in Zola's novels may in part result from a desire to arrive at an equivalent of the classical Greek chorus. Yet it is obvious, I believe, that we are also involved in an attempt by Zola to express his panpsychist vision of reality. He was, as we know, a man consumed all his life with longing for just the sort of complete, god-like knowledge toward which he reaches in his novels -the "one and entire Truth," as he once wrote, "which alone can cure my sick soul” [2]. Deeply influenced in his adolescence by certain forms of romantic pantheism and, in early manhood, by the pantheisms of such thinkers as Renan and Taine, Zola was actually far closer to Spinoza and the German idealists than to such pure philosophical positivists as Littré and Claude Bernard. We know how profoundly Zola sympathized with, for example, Spinoza, whom, rightly or wrongly, he regarded as one of the major ancestors of positivism and particularly of just those intellectual leaders who had had the strongest impact on his own thought. We are also aware of his hope, expressed in an essay published in 1865, that, while individually no more than minute phases of the totality of things, we shall ultimately attain after death, as parts of God, the divine vision which is the objective of science -- the vision in which everything in the universe will share when the work of creation has been achieved. It is more than possible that Zola's fascination with phenomena of light and vision is related to this metaphysical ambition. On the one hand, he suggests, as he must, the limitations, the distortions, the relativity of our individual perceptions. He is impressed by the protean nature of vision, the infinite shapes or forms that reality can take in the mind's eye. He demonstrates that, like Angélique, we are only "an appearance which will disappear, after having created an illusion." On the other hand, by multiplying viewpoint characters, by making us see things through the eyes of crowds, communities, a representative cross section of an entire nation, and even animals, by endowing objects with eyes, by filling his fictional microcosm with lines of sight crisscrossing in every direction in a great web of vision, he does more than evoke the image of a conscious universe. While he reveals to us a unanimistic universe, a spectacular universe, a visionary universe, a universe caught up, like Narcissus, in perpetual self-contemplation, a Herder-like universe in which eternal reality is constantly modified by the creative eye, he suggests as well what it might be like to view the world through the eyes of the soul in which all things share. His work becomes a moment in the progress of consciousness toward total self-knowledge. Yale French Studies, 42 (1969), 52-67. _________________________ [1] Zola before the "Rougon-Macquart" (Toronto, 1964), p. 18. As all Zola scholars are aware, the work of art is to be conceived of, according to this theory, as a "window open on creation," into which fits a glass, colored, transparent, or distorted in varying degrees. The phrase window open on creation can, of course, also be used to designate the eye. See, for example, Delacroix's journal, III (Paris, 1932), p. 257 (Jan. 31, 1860): "When the eye has ceased to see, what becomes of the sensations which come to this poor soul, taking refuge I know not where, through this manner of window open on visible creation?" Return. [2] Œuvres complètes, IX, Cercle du Livre Précieux (Paris, 1968), p. 182. Return. ![]() The Survival of Romantic Pantheism in Zola’s Religious Thought Among the varieties of pantheism Zola espoused at different moments in his life none had a more powerful hold upon his imagination than that which we already find hinted at in two of his earliest and most romantic works: Printemps, Le Journal d’un Convalescent and Religion. The first of these pieces together with Zola's notes for it was written when he was eighteen [1], after a severe illness accompanied, it would appear, by a grave religious crisis. Its fictitious author, Zola's alter ego, has set out on much the same stormy metaphysical voyage as more than one of the great romantics. His former faith is in ruins, his mind a tabula rasa. "Je suis comme l'homme au premier âge du monde," he writes in an initial entry in the notes; "je suis neuf et naïf par la maladie." His mental state frequently borders on madness. His experience of reality is raw and immediate, and is translated in his consciousness into symbols of unusual visionary power. His sense of nature, in particular, has grown exceptionally acute. Nature images of the sort that abound in romantic literature assume, for him, truly extraordinary vitality. He returns to the matrix of aIl being, in which the forces of life are locked in eternal combat with the forces of death. In the process, some of the oldest myths are resurrected. At certain moments, he is filled with Apollonian joy at the sight of the sun outside his sickroom. The warm light flooding in through his window revives in him a delicious awareness of his own body. Or he is overcome by an equally Apollonian horror at the darkness and annihilation that have overtaken him: "Il me semble être en face du néant, éternellement morne, éternellement sombre. Rien ne remue dans cet infini mort, rien ne passe." At other times, however, he takes Dionysiac satisfaction in his loss of self-awareness and the dissolution of his self into the continuum of all being: Je jouissais profondément de ma faiblesse, de l'anéantissement suprême et doux qui délivrait mes rêveries des liens de ma chair .... Ma raison d'homme s'était troublée, l'intelligence s'évanouissait, je n'avais plus que des instincts de brute, j'étais un animal dont le cerveau travaillait confusément sans pouvoir jamais formuler une idée .... le sentiment de mon être finissait lui-même par rouler dans le néant: alors il ne restait rien de moi, rien qu'un souvenir vacillant qui flottait encore au-dessus de mon corps ... The essentially romantic nature of this experience is, of course, quite apparent; especially if one recalls Adolf Grimme's definition of romanticism, in Vom Wesen der Romantik, as a breakthrough of what he calls "the vegetative strata of the soul" -the preconscious rather than the subconscious [2]. For the Convalescent is not only struck by the bonds uniting human life with the rest of nature; he actually becomes in his own mind a plant, a vegetable: Tandis que mes amis parlaient, je regardais la campagne, la voix des hommes m'arrivait comme un bourdonnement confus et désagréable; la voix des champs, simple et douce, me pénétrait d'une vague volupté. Je ne suis point encore un homme, je suis un de ces arbustes que je vois là-bas, se couvrant de légères feuilles, entr'ouvrant peu à peu leurs bourgeons au soleil. He recounts how, having taken refuge in a clump of lilacs, he realizes the flowers want to speak to him and feels the sap rising through his own body. Elsewhere, imagining he has become a seed, he has the sensation of being imprisoned in "la terre froide de l'hiver, pleine des sourds murmures de la germination." But not only plants, the whole earth is invested with intense awareness: Et, comme moi, la terre malade a ses cauchemars intérieurs. Je me souviens d'avoir entendu des sanglots lointains sortir de la croûte gelée des sentiers. La surface des champs s'était durcie, mais les entrailles de la campagne vivaient encore, en proie aux rêves désespérés qui viennent de me secouer. Everything, for him, is alive and conscious--even rays of sunlight. He is convinced of the fraternity of all things. Moreover, he makes it clear that this panpsychist, vaguely monistic vision, with its strongly erotic, Orphic overtones, has nothing to do with the sort of limited truth he associates with science. A complete romantic, he goes out of his way to distinguish between the intuitive vision he has attained through his illness, and scientific knowledge; and he obviously considers the former superior: Ces hommes de science croient tout savoir; ils traitent légèrement les visions, les intuitions profondes des malades. Et ils ont tort. Les malades ont des sens d'une délicatesse exquise; ils pénètrent dans le monde impalpable des esprits subtils, fermé aux gens que la santé aveugle; eux seules peuvent savoir que chaque rayon de soleil est un être ami dont la mort attriste la terre. [3]. Nothing could be more "naturalistic," if not in the sense Zola later gave to this word, at least in that imparted to it by, for example, Victor de Laprade in the preface to Les Idylles héroïques (published in 1858, shortly before the composition of Printemps)--i.e., a style betraying "une influence excessive du sentiment de la nature." This excess, according to Laprade, led not only to "cette notion grossière de l'art qu'on a nommé le réalisme," but also to "un certain genre de mysticisme, au culte de l'indéterminé, à une religiosité vague qui confond l'esprit et la matière, et pour laquelle le nom de panthéisme, qu'on lui applique souvent, est un terme trop exacte et trop défini" [4]. That Zola was moving, at this crucial moment in his late adolescence, in the second, if not as yet the first, of these directions is apparent also in the second work we mentioned, Religion. Probably composed in 1859, this curious poem of 158 verses is, in large part, even more obviously if possible than Printemps, the work of a mind tortured by metaphysical doubt and anguish. In it the young Zola, still strongly under the influence of the Judeo-Christian tradition, interrogates heaven and earth for answers to the weighty questions troubling him. What is the nature of God? Is God good or bad? How was the world created? What is man? What is the solution to the problem of evil? Which theological traditions are closer to the truth? What is the purpose of life? Can the soul escape from the body? Can we ever hope to see God? Answered at first only by silence, struck by the apparent indifference of heaven and the incapacity of man, in his degenerate state, to provide the answers he seeks, Zola looks for them within himself. Yet as he descends into his own being he finds nothing but growing darkness. His soul, a prisoner of matter, worships God blindly, while his reason, unable to find a rational basis for belief, revolts: La raison se révolte et, pour te reconnaître, But suddenly, just when his doubt is greatest, God speaks: "Mais, silence! j'entends une voix de l'espace. / Dieu parle. N'est-ce pas sa réponse qui passe?" And as the awe-struck poet listens, the divine voice adjures him to make a leap of faith. It commands him to ignore the questions troubling his reason and to accept an essentially sentimental, intuitive, irrational vision of nature: "Qu'importe l'inconnu! qu'importe le néant When Zola wrote this, the Christian God of Agape had obviously evolved in his mind, as it had in those of many of the great romantics, into a much more ancient god, a kind of Eros, or cosmogonic force manifesting itself through the processes of fecundity, the love of man for woman, the recurrent cydes of nature. Like Hugo, he could have written: "Aimez donc! car tout le proclame, / Car l'esprit seul éclaire peu ..." [6] Nor would he have disagreed with the author of Harmonies poétiques et religieuses, whose accents at times are echoed in this poem! But above all we may think of his new master when he wrote it: Michelet. The Michelet, especially, of L'Amour and L'Oiseau. The Michelet for whom the perfect artist was the nightingale, creating life by fecundating the egg with song, aiding in this way the great process of creation, participating "aux émotions de cette force fécondante," through which the God inaccessible to reason and science reveals Himself [7]. In the following years Zola was gradually converted to a somewhat different variety of pantheism, closer to the scientism of Taine and Renan [8]. Zola's vision of the cosmos became more intellectual, stoical, "scientific." Historians of philosophy may find in it more than one reflection of the "Hegelianism" which colored much French thought at this time, and which many intellectuals now tended to identify with materialism [9]. In an essay which he probably began in 1861, but did not publish until 1864, he distinguishes between scientific and poetic truth: the immediate, intuitive, sentimental apprehension of the whole truth which is attained by the poet, who "du premier élan trouve toute vérité l'Amour, le Charitas des Latins"; and the "scientific" vision of the earth as a "tout harmonieux où circule le flot de la vie, sans jamais se perdre et tendant au but mystérieux." Calling upon the poet to embrace this vision, he writes, "Alors, dans les cieux dépeuplés, nous montrerions le dieu Infini et les lois immuables qui découlent de son être et réagissent les mondes" [10]. Renouvier, defining the philosophy which, under the guise of positivism, was in fact dominant during the Second Empire, observed in a treatise published in 1868: "Son esprit, son caractère consistent en une espèce de panthéisme et de fatalisme animés et développés par l'hypothèse du progrès continu et universel.... C'est comme une religion qu'on essaie de se faire, en feignant qu'on ne se la fait pas, mais qu'elle vous est imposée par l'histoire" [11]. Caught up in this movement, Zola, in an article published in 1865, actually went so far as to propose a new religion based on geology, or natural history. Regarding human history as only a small part of the continuing story of creation, periodically spurred on by great catastrophes, he wrote, "Au lieu d'affirmer que le ciel et la terre ont été crées uniquement à notre usage, nous devons penser plutôt que nous avons été créés à l'usage du grand Tout, de l'œuvre qui s'élabore depuis le commencement des temps." He went on to observe that we are thus only a simple manifestation of life, a phase of the creature, helping creation advance towards its unknown goal: La création continue, l'œuvre marche, grandit. Le labeur des mondes est éternel. Nous sentons la terre en enfantement tressaillir sous nos pieds, nous sentons la matière s'épurer en nous. Il y a encore de nouvelles contrées dans le sein de notre globe, il y a encore dans notre être, dans nos vagues aspirations et nos désirs d'infini, de nouveaux êtres, plus purs et plus parfaits. These thoughts could only be for him a source of exaltation, peace, and joy, especially since he assumed that, as parts of God, the Great Whole, we shall ultimately witness, along with the entire universe, the accomplishment of the work of creation: Il y a je ne sais quelle grandeur, quelle paix suprême, quelle joie profonde, dans cette idée que Dieu travaille en nous, que nous préparons la terre et l'être de demain, que nous sommes un enfantement et qu'au dernier jour nous assisterons, avec l'univers entier, à l'achèvement de l'œuvre [12]. Not long after this, at least by 1868, he came, moreover, under the influence of still another variety of pantheism--that of Dr. Prosper Lucas, an author respected, as we know, by both Michelet and Taine. All students of Zola are aware that Lucas's Traité philosophique et physiologjque de l’Hérédité naturelle is one of the chief scientific sources of the Rougon-Macquart series. What is all too rarely pointed out, however, is that it is also a profoundly religious work and that what undoubtedly attracted Zola to it was precisely Lucas's lin king together in it of the science of heredity with pantheism [13]. For Lucas was less interested in the laws governing heredity in themselves than he was in discovering, through them, the essential activities of what he called Life, Nature, Creation, or the First Principle. We know that Zola read, for example, this curious passage from Lucas's preface: Élevé en idée jusqu'à cette hauteur, comment interroger la NATURE sur les formes de son activité? En interrogeant l'HOMME sur les formes de la sienne, et en établissant leur rapport avec celle de la FORCE PREMIERE. L'HOMME, nous sommes-nous dit, non-seulement fait partie, mais est au plus haut rang de ces œuvres de vie qu'institue la NATURE d'après des lois réglées dont il garde à la fois l'énergie et l'empreinte symbole de sa pensée, verbe incarné de sa force, en qui elle se répète, il la répète elle-même, il l'a continue en se continuant; il est le MICROCOSME. En lui vit et respire et agit le principe qui crée dans l'univers. Arriver à saisir et à déterminer les formes élémentaires de l'activité humaine, c'est donc, en quelque sorte, mettre la main sur les formes élémentaires de CELLE dont elle est à la fois et l'organe et l'image... [14] It is significant, furthermore, that Zola copied out in his notes for the Rougon-Macquart parts of the following paragraph from the conclusion of Volume I of Lucas's treatise: Toute génération directe ou indirecte, c'est-à-dire spontanée ou communiquée n'est plus dès ce moment, qu'une exaltation, ou plutôt qu'une extase féconde de la VIE, où s'éveillent toujours les mêmes facultés de la force magique qui crée dans l'univers. Dans les entrailles des êtres, ou dans les flancs du globe, partout où elle agit, partout où elle engendre, elle INVENTE, elle IMAGINE, elle IMITE, elle se RESSOUVIENT [15]. The unanimistic, or, more precisely, pantheistic, vision of existence Zola expressed in his later writings, including his major novels, grows to a very great extent out of these three rather divergent, but by no means unrelated, pantheisms. In the first place, Lucas's theory of heredity, with its implicit pantheism, is, along with Letourneau's Physiologie des Passions, one of the chief foundations of the physiological study on which the Rougon-Macquart series is based. In the second place, Zola continued to be drawn by one form or another of pantheistic scientism. For example, in Le Salut Public of November 20, 1866, the same year that he declared himself to be Taine's humble disciple, he vigorously defended Spinoza, a philosopher who, even more profoundly than either Hegel or Mill, had determined the course of Taine's ideas. Probably betraying Taine's influence, Zola not only considered Spinoza's system to be perfectly compatible with modern science; he presented it to his readers as the scientific philosophy par excellence and a major fountainhead of modern thought: Au sommet l'unité absolue, la formule une et générale, qui est Dieu; et ensuite la chaîne des choses et des êtres qui en descend et dont chaque anneau est fortement soudé aux anneaux qui précèdent et qui suivent. C'est là une vaste vue d'ensemble, une théorie scientifique qui a pu mener son auteur à des condusions étranges et fausses, mais dont notre temps a fait de magnifiques applications.... le spinozisme est une philosophie qui convient parfaitement à nos sciences modernes. Tout a une cause, et si les croyances de Spinoza sont devenues celles de plusieurs de nos contemporains, on peut dire qu'elles ont été appelées en France par le large mouvement scientifique qui porte les esprits à l'étude de la nature.... A des savants, il faut une philosophie scientifique.... In Le Gaulois of February 16, 1869, the year he probably began La Fortune des Rougon, he expresses his admiration for Edgar Quinet's La Création. His summary of this epic recalls not only his own project for a new religion based on geology but also his plan for an epic poem to be entitled La Chaine des Êtres or La Genèse [16]. At the same time, apparently unaware of the libertarian side of Quinet's view of history, he stresses--and indeed would seem possibly to exaggerate--those aspects reminiscent of the fatalism and optimism of Hegel and other German thinkers with pantheistic leanings: L'auteur prend donc le monde à son berceau; il montre la vie animant peu à peu la matière; il raconte les révolutions qui ont préparé la terre de l'homme. Puis il suit pas à pas la création dans l'humanité; il regarde les secousses profondes qui ont bouleversé les nations comme des révolutions nécessaires à l'épanouissement final de l'idée. Cette progression vers le bien, il la retrouve dans la nature comme dans l'homme. On dirait une échelle divine que gravit l'univers entier. Parti de la nuit, le monde se crée incessamment, en montant vers la lumière. Au sommet luira l'aurore éternelle. In 1879, in an essay on "Le Naturalisme au Théâtre," he asks, betraying once again a strong affinity with the German idealists, "Est-ce que le fond éternel des choses ne prend pas des formes diverses, selon les temps et les civilisations?" [17] And in 1881 he wrote in Le Figaro, "Pourquoi ne pas avoir foi dans la vie, dans l'humanité? Un travail sourd la secoue et la pousse; eh bien! ce travail ne peut être qu'un élargissement de l'être, qu'une prise de possession plus vaste du monde." There is no reason, he goes on to say, to believe in the ultimate triumph of evil; on the contrary, when all is said and done, every major event is seen to contribute to the upwards advance of History; and he adjures his readers, "Marchons donc, mettons notre certitude dans l'avenir ... tout entre dans le travail de la vie, même les éléments malpropres et destructeurs. De même que la mort est nécessaire à l'existence, les petits hommes sont faits sans doute pour combler les fosses, où ils retombent dans le néant, tandis que le siècle passe." The world, he observes, was made in the midst of cataclysms and when the work of creation is finished all will be well [18]. These and other related ideas--all colored by a vaguely German evolutionary pantheism--are reflected throughout much of Zola's fiction. We may think of, for example, Clotilde's final vision of life, in Le Docteur Pascal: "La vie, la vie qui coule en torrent, qui continue et recommence, vers l'achèvement ignoré! la vie où nous baignons, la vie aux courants infinis et contraires, toujours mouvante et immense, comme une mer sans bornes !" [19] Or we may recall those passages setting forth Pascal's faith in progress towards an ever fuller knowledge, if not greater happiness; his fatalism; his conception of humanity as a means towards a mysterious transcendent end; and his conviction that there is a heart of goodness in evil: Tout se résumait dans la foi ardente en la vie. Comme il le disait, il fallait marcher avec la vie qui marchait toujours.... Il fallait avoir l'esprit ferme, la modestie de se dire que la seule récompense de la vie est de l'avoir vécue bravement, en accomplissant la tâche qu'elle impose. Alors, le mal n'était plus qu'un accident encore inexpliqué, l'humanité apparaissait, de très haut, comme un immense mécanisme en fonction, travaillant au perpétuel devenir. Pourquoi l'ouvrier qui disparaissait, ayant terminé sa journée, aurait-il maudit l'œuvre, parce qu'il ne pouvait en voir ni en juger la fin ? [20]. Nor must we forget, in this connection, Zola's remark in his work notes for Le Docteur Pascal that Renan's Creed, as summarized by de Vogüé, could very well serve as a philosophical résumé of the whole Rougon-Macquart series. Zola's own rather free summary and interpretation of Renan's ideas are particularly illuminating; for they show to what a great extent he was capable of linking, and indeed confusing, Renan with Lucas: Au fond, c'est une croyance à la vie, la vie telle est la manifestation divine pour Pascal. La vie, c'est Dieu. Tout par la vie. Le grand moteur, le seul, l'âme du monde. Et c'est parce qu'il met tout dans la vie, dans la nature vivante, dans cette vie qui n'est qu'un mouvement, qu'il se met à étudier l'hérédité. L'hérédité, c'est un mouvement communiqué. En somme, l'hérédité fait le monde, et si l'on pouvait intervenir, la connaître pour disposer d'elle, on ferait le monde... [21] At the same time, he also clung to the arch-romantic, sentimental, Dionysiac pantheism which he had first expressed in Printemps and Religion and which he tended to associate primarily with Michelet. But whereas he had originally looked for its source in the heart of the poet or the heightened sensibility of the ill and had contrasted it with scientific knowledge, he now assimilated it to his scientism by giving it quite arbitrarily a scientific basis [22]. In the article on Spinoza from which I have quoted he includes Michelet along with Renan, Taine, and Littré among those "positivists" who might be said to be more or less the intellectual offspring of Spinoza [23]. No doubt lumping together Michelet's ideas with the scientism of Renan and Taine and the pure philosophical positivism of Littré was philosophically questionable. It paved the way, however, for Zola's subsequent identification with science of Michelet and those elements in his own pantheism that he ascribed to Michelet. He did this in a long meditation on L'Oiseau, L'Insecte, and La Montagne published in La Tribune on June 28, 1868. Informing his readers that he has just reread these "épopées de la vie universelle" on a holiday in Gloton, he then goes on to demonstrate they have lost none of their force as revelations. "Ah! comme on comprend les tendresses exquises du poète, par une claire matinée de juin!" he exclaims. "Ses sympathies de frère pour les fauvettes et les libellules, pour les chênes et les aubépines, ont je ne sais quoi de maniéré à la ville. Ici, dans cette île frissonnante de vie, on se sent vraiment le parent des insectes de l'herbe, des papillons de l'air, de la moindre branche des feuillages." Reclining in his boat in the rushes, he is filled once again, thanks to Michelet, with the joy of solitude, love of nature, romantic distaste for civilization. Resting in the grass on a small, hidden island, he savors the near-hallucination of being rooted in the soil like some nearby poplars and, once again, like the Convalescent in Printemps, feels rising in his own body the same sap he can hear trembling under their bark. He has become a plant like them, leading the same free, proud life. Other sensations described in Printemps return. Once more his spirit penetrates beyond the realm of human language. Mute, unable to move, he loses himself In the worship of the sun, is given the power to understand the speech of birds and insects, and feels one with the soul animating the whole of nature. He is overwhelmed with tenderness for everything--animal, vegetable, and mineral--all partaking in the same life. "J'aurais hésité à casser une branche, par crainte de voir un jet de sang sortir de la blessure. Quand on s'oublie dans une solitude verte, au milieu des hautes herbes, on sent peu à peu que tout s'anime; tout devient vivant, jusqu'aux pierres blanches et chaudes de soleil." He identifies himself so absolutely with the totality of creation that he suffers keenly in his own flesh from the wounds inflicted on plants by people treading on them. He is filled, just as he had been in his adolescence, by a vision of universal harmony and love: "Un silence frissonnant tombait sur la campagne ivre et pamée de lumière.... Par moments, des souffles chauds passaient, comme des baisers ardents, et donnaient aux froids ombrages de rapides frissons de volupté." One recalls Taine's confession, in an essay on Michelet that Zola must have read: Au fond des bois, pendant les jours d'été, lorsque les exhalations odorantes montent dans l'air, quand le long murmure des feuilles, des oiseaux, des insectes, vient emplir l'oreille, lorsque l'air épais enivre comme le vin... on est tenté comme lui de confondre les choses en un seul être, et l'on comprend comment un artiste, entrevoyant la face de l'éternelle déesse, a dit qu'elle s'appelle l'Amour [24]. But here the comparison stops. For Taine had refused to give Michelet's "pantheism" anything more than sentimental, poetic value [25]. In contrast, Zola goes on to compare Michelet's "scientific" vision to the old mythological fictions he would like to see it replace in poetry: Nous savons aujourd'hui que de blanches divinités ne se cachent pas sous l'écorce des arbres et dans le calice des fleurs. La science nous a révélé une poésie plus haute... Les allégories sont devenues froides et puériles à côté des véritables amours de la fleur et de la vie réelle des arbres.... Michelet aura l'éternelle gloire de s'être agenouillé un des premiers, éperdu d'émotion, devant la grande mère commune. Il a frisonné d'effroi et d'espérance en face de l'infini de la vie. Quand il a interrogé le monde fourmillant des insectes, il a dû oublier l'homme.... Toujours de nouveaux êtres apparaissent, la terre vit jusque dans la plus imperceptible goutte d'eau. Et tous ces êtres agissent, marchent à un but, poussés par la Force première qui mène le monde. Jamais aucune mythologie n'a inventé un mensonge qui donne l'idée d'une telle réalité [26]. Those who know Zola well will agree, I think, that this vision underlies many of his mature works, and not only his lesser novels, like La Faute de l'Abbé Mouret, but such masterpieces as Germinal and La Terre. We may think, for example, of the solar and germination images of the celebrated final paragraphs of Germinal, with their emphasis on the fecundity of nature, their metaphorical transformation of men into seeds, their evocation of buds bursting, and "le bruit des germes" opening "en un grand baiser" [27]. Or we may think of the cyclical view of history he expresses in more than one of his greatest works, especially La Terre--the analogies he establishes between human lives and the lives of groups and the life of the earth, the round of the seasons. Far from being an atheist or even a consistent or confirmed agnostic, Zola must be envisaged as primarily a spiritually restless, deeply religious man hovering eternally between the two poles of doubt and faith. And it is evident that he was at heart not only a pantheist, but a pantheist deeply rooted in the romantic tradition [28]. Symposium, 23 (Fall-Winter 1969), 354-365. Reprinted with permission of the Helen Dwight Reid Educational Foundation. Published by Heldref Publications, 1319 18th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036-1802. www.heldref.org Copyright © 1969. ________________________ [1] See John C. Lapp, Zola before the "Rougon-Macquart" (Toronto, 1964), p. 160 Return. [2] Cited by René Wellek, Concepts of Criticism (New Haven, 1963), p. 207. Return. [3] Œuvres completes, ed. Henri Mitterand (Paris: Cercle du Livre Précieux, 1966-), IX, pp. 903-14. Return. [4] Paris, 1858, pp. 10-11. Return. [5] Religion as well as other youthful poems by Zola have been reproduced by Paul Alexis, Émile Zola, Notes d'un Ami (Paris, 1882). "Doute," published in Les Cahiers naturalists, No. 26 (1964), 45-49, is the same poem with a radically different ending, reflecting the influence of Montaigne, whose Essais had become Zola's favorite reading matter in 1861. In this new version, which Zola submitted to Le Travail, a left-wing journal, that same year, the voice of God remains silent. Instead, there is only the very human cry: “Je frissonne soudain, l'inconnu m'épouvante, / Comme si, tout-à-coup, sur une tour croulante, / Le démon du vertige aux cheveux me prenant, / M'agitait, effaré, sur l'abîme béant. / Doute qui vis en moi, dans le sang de mes veines, / Sois maudit, ô bâtard des sagesses humaines!” See H. d'Alméras, Avant la Gloire: leurs Débuts (Paris, 1902), pp. 189-90. Return. [6] Les Rayons et les Ombres, XL. Return. [7] L'Oiseau, II, xii. Return. [8] I am using the term "scientism" in the sense given it by D. G. Charlton in his Positivist Thought in France during the Second Empire, 1852-1870 (Oxford, 1959). See especially p. 154: "The addition of Hegel and positivism produces scientism: this is the equation demonstrated in the philosophies of Taine and Renan alike." Return. [9] According to Littré, for example, "la pure doctrine de hégélianisme" was, as Charlton points out, "the pantheistic view that God is immanent in the whole universe and in each creature within it, gaining greater self-consciousness as the çreature is the more advanced upon the ladder of evolution" (Positivist Thought in Françe, p. 59). For Charlton's comments on Hegel's fortunes in France and particularly rus identification with materialism and positivism see pp. 154-155 of the same work. Return. [10] "Trois Textes inédits d'Émile Zola," ed. Guy Robert, Revue des Sçiençes humaines, fasc. 51 (1948), p. 189. Return. [11] Cited by Charlton, p. 225. Return. [12] Le Salut Publjç, Oct. 14, 1865. Reproduced in Mes Haines (ed. Bernouard, 1928). See pp. 107-108. Return. [13] The predominantly religious, metaphysical nature of Zola's motivation especially during his early, most formative years should be stressed by critics more than it generally has been. Return. [14] Vol. I (1847), Preface, p. xxii. Bibliothèque Nationale, MS., Fonds français, Nouvelles Acquisitions, 10345, foll. 59-60. Return. [15] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS., Fonds français, Nouvelles acquisitions, 10345, fol. 77. Return. [16] See Alexis, Émile Zola, pp. 53-55. It would have been interesting, if Zola had completed this poem, to compare it, particularly the third canto, Le Futur, with La Nature à l'Homme (1867) of Madame Ackermann. Return. [17] Le Roman experimental, ed. Bernouard, p. 92. Return. [18] Une Campagne, ed. Bernouard, p. 303. Return. [19] Œuvres completes, ed. Henri Mitterand, VI, 1400. Return. [20] Œuvres completes, ed. Henri Mitterand, VI, 1394. Return. [21] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS., Fonds français, Nouvelles acquisitions, 10290, fol. 230. Return. [22] No more arbitrarily perhaps, however, than Taine identified the stoicism of Marcus Aurelius, "l'âme la plus noble qui ait vécu," with the world view of positivistic science, in Nouveaux Essais de Critique et d'Histoire, 12th ed. (Paris, 1923), p. 108. Zola could hardly have failed to read Taine's essay on Marcus Aurelius, which immediately follows the celebrated study of Balzac. Return. [23] "... les philosophes dits positivistes sont tous plus ou moins des enfants de Spinoza, et... à divers titres on peut ranger parmi ces philosophes MM. Littré, Michelet, Ernest Renan, H. Taine." Return. [24] Essais de Critique et d'Histoire, 14th ed. (Paris, 1923), p. 121. Return. [25] Ibid., p. II 5: "Cette philosophie donne-t-elle la vérité? A tout le moins elle donne le talent. Si elle n'est pas conforme à la science, elle est conforme à la poésie. Si elle ne fait pas des savants, elle fait des artistes..." Return. [26] L'Atelier de Zola, ed. Martin Kanes (Geneva, 1963), pp. 156-57. Return. [27] One may hazard the guess that Pierre-Henri Simon, in the preface he wrote for Henri Mitterand's edition of Germinal in Les Œuvres completes, had in mind primarily this Michelet-like "pantheism" when he remarked: "Au niveau de Germinal, le socialisme de Zola est sincère et assez bien informé. Mais il ne doit pas grand-chose, dans ses bases intellectuelles, au matérialisme dialectique: c'est plutôt un panthéisme dionysiaque" (p. 20). Return. [28] Readers interested in Zola's portrayals of man and nature might wish to acquaint themselves (if they have not already done so) with Winston R. Hewitt's excellent treatise: Through Those Living Pillars: Man and Nature in the Works of Emile Zola, The Hague: Mouton, 1974. Return. ![]() Zola, Myth, and the Birth of the Modern World The better one knows the shadowy side of Zola that has to do with myth the more one is impressed by the extent to which, here too, he is a man of transition--a man who is caught up in the birth of the modern world, a man who, no matter how enthusiastically he identifies himself with all the great modern revolutionary forces, remains deeply rooted in the traditions of the past. "Aujourd'hui, les cieux sont dépeuplés, les mythologies sont mortes," he proclaims in L'Écho du Nord of December 26-27, 1864. "Je ne sais quelles seront les croyances de nos fils; pour nous, nous leur léguerons un ciel pur de tout fantôme" [1]. In other essays composed during the same formative period in his career, he meditates on the same theme, invariably adopting a radically modern point of view. He refers to those "grandioses erreurs, splendides manifestations de la jeunesse du monde," that filled poetry in those remote epochs when science and poetry were still one and the same thing (X, 311). He alludes to the myths of the ancient Greeks as "merveilleuses allégories d'une religion de poètes" (X, 274). But he declares that he and his contemporaries are living in a different age, an age when "le rêve est mort et la science vient de naître" (X, 280). He repeatedly expresses his disapproval of those who vainly attempt to turn the clock back, take refuge in the past, perpetuate the fantasies of the pre-scientific ages. Those poets and painters who do so not only go against the grain of history; they are boring. The new age calls for a new poetry, a new style of painting. "Que les poètes y songent," he warns. "La science est à leur porte; elle fait pâlir leurs fables aux clartés de son flambeau." And he describes his own poetic ideal: "Je dirais adieu aux beaux mensonges des mythologies; j'enterrerais avec respect la dernière naïade et la dernière sylphide; je rejetterais les mythes et n'aurais plus d'amour que pour les vérités” [...] Faut-il le dire? Je serais savant, j'emprunterais aux sciences leurs grands horizons, leurs hypothèses si admirables qu'elles sont peut-être des vérités" (X, 313). He rejects myth for still another reason: the reality of his own day is more interesting. Addressing himself to Frédéric Mistral, he accuses this greatest of the Felibres of losing himself in "les contes bleus," of failing to share the excitement of humanity advancing up the steps of progress: Notre époque est travaillée, découragée, lugubre, dites-vous. C'est que vous ne l'avez jamais interrogée. Elle est triste peut-être, parce qu'elle est impatiente de l'avenir; mais elle a grand cœur à la besogne, elle est un enfantement d'un monde. [...] Venez droit aux temps modernes, et quand vous aurez vécu un jour dans notre travail géant [...] vous ne chanterez plus que nos efforts, nos luttes et nos triomphes. (X, 763) Speaking of French poets in general, he says in 1869: [...] ils se coulent, pris de terreur, se disant que cette tempête doit briser les anciennes idoles et que le grand Pan va mourir. En face du dix-neuvième siècle, de ce siècle industriel et savant, ils se rejettent en arrière, aveuglés, ne voyant pas l'aurore du lendemain, ne pouvant croire que nos chemins de fer, nos ballons et nos télégraphes électriques entrent pour jamais pour quelque chose dans un poème. [...] Eh! bon Dieu! Quel intérêt veulent-ils que nous prenions à Jupiter ou à Brahma, aux amours de jeunes mandarins, ou aux luttes sanglantes des vieux peuples du Nord! [2] All his life he harps on the same theme, and we are not surprised to hear him boasting in his old age--in an essay entitled "A la jeunesse"--the neo-idealists and Wagnerians of the fin du siècle: Rompons [...] sur l'amour que je garde à mon temps. Je comprends que vous ne vouliez pas être confondus avec un homme qui aime les halles, les gares, les grandes villes modernes, les foules qui les peuplent, la vie qui s'y décuple, dans l'évolution des sociétés actuelles. J'ai la faiblesse de n'être pas pour les cités de brume et de songe, les peuples de fantômes errant par les brouillards, tout ce que le vent de l'imagination apporte et emporte. [...] Jamais temps n'a été plus grand, plus passionnant, plus gros de futurs prodiges, et qui ne voit pas cela est aveugle, et qui vit par mépris dans le passé ou dans le rêve n'est qu'un enfantin joueur de flûte. (XIV, 725-726) But this is only one side of Zola. It must be remembered that, like Taine or Renan, he was raised in the Christian faith and received a largely classical education. The cultural heroes of his adolescence were the great romantics. Among his first literary projects is a play about Hannibal in Capua. One of the most successful passages in his youthful poems is a long description of Provence, comparing it with ancient Greece and peopling it with gods and goddesses, nymphs and satyrs. He was, in short, a convert-of sorts-to the modern positive, scientific view of things and to the notion that art should concentrate on the realities of the present. The very excessiveness of his enthusiasms, as in the essays from which we have just quoted, not to mention Le Roman experimental, betrays perhaps the psychology of the neophyte. If we wish to understand the motivation behind them, we must, as we read them, see in our mind's eye the young Zola taking part in religious processions through the streets of Aix--streets lined with tapestries "à grands personnages mythologiques, tout l'Olympe païen, nu et blafard, venant regarder passer l'Olympe catholique" (IX, 410). We must imagine him escaping with Baille and Cézanne into the countryside outside the crumbling walls of Aix to read Hugo or Musset. We must picture him posing for his artist friend Chaillon, in the spring of 1860, as Amphyon, "nu, quelque peu drapé, tenant une lyre antique et les yeux au ciel" (XIV, 1224). Or we must envisage him haunting with Cézanne, during their early years in Paris, one of their favorite retreats outside the city, "la mare à Chalot," which attracted them largely because of the mythological reminiscences it inspired. "On songeait au bain de la Diane antique, trempant ses pieds de neige dans les sources ignorées des bois," he recalled years later. "On eût dit qu'il avait une lumière propre, qu'il flambait au fond des ténèbres comme un diamant; et nous restions un instant encore devant cet éclat mystérieux, cette blancheur de déesse se baignant à la lune" (IX, 622). Those of us who have received a similar education can sympathize with him in those passages where he describes the anguish, dizziness, and fright he felt upon his first encounter with a scientific conception of the universe: "Je me rappelle encore l'angoisse étrange, la profonde sensation de vertige qui me prit, lorsque, sur les bancs du collège, j'étudiais la cosmographie pour la première fois," he recalled in 1864 (X, 322). ln 1869, with regards to the same traumatic event,he remarked, "J'ignore comment les astronomes font pour ne pas devenir fous à lier. Un homme nerveux perdrait la tête à regarder trop longtemps le ciel, et se mettrait à hurler d'épouvante, comme une bête abandonnée dans la nuit." And he went on to say: Le sentiment de panique vient de me reprendre en lisant un livre de M. Amédée Guillemin, Le Soleil [...] Il le fait toucher du doigt, malgré l'énorme distance qui nous en sépare. Il le montre dans la terrifiante danse des astres, et c'est là, selon la parole de Job, que tout le poil de ma chair s'est hérissé. [...] bien que les savants nous assurent que l'astre n'est pas près de s'éteindre, je préférerais à tant de science, pour la paix de ma tête, l'heureuse ignorance du laboureur qui aiguillonne tranquillement ses bœufs et qui regarde le Soleil comme un grand feu que Dieu a allumé là-haut et que les anges entretiennent pour mûrir ses moissons. (X, 900, 901) Those familiar with the details of Zola's early life may also recall that it took him a long time to reconcile himself to the modern scientific mentality. For example, in July, 1861, he pointed out in a letter to Baille that poetry does not progress like science and does not need science and that Homer was still the greatest poet of them all. He remarked that Homer and the Bible shed infinitely more light on "cette énigme qui s'appelle l'homme" than did science. ln Printemps, le Journal d'un Convalescent, which scholars now believe may have been written as late as 1866, perhaps even later (see IX, 1167), Zola showed that still, even then, even after he had declared himself a disciple of Taine, he could maintain that science is by no means the only way to achieve truth--or even the best, most satisfying way: Ces hommes de science croient tout savoir; ils traitent légèrement les visions, les intuitions profondes des malades. Et ils ont tort. Les malades ont des sens d'une délicatesse exquise; ils pénètrent dans le monde impalpable des esprits subtils, fermé aux gens que la santé aveugle; eux seuls peuvent savoir que chaque rayon du soleil est un être ami dont la mort attriste la terre. (IX, 906) No doubt he went far towards embodying in his own writings the modern iconoclastic, scientific, present-and-future oriented mentality he so admired in his crusading theoretical pronouncements. We need hardly argue that point here. But however much he identified himself with the modern movement, actually became a part of it (and as Harry Levin has observed, "Surely no comparable man of letters with the exception of Poe had tried so hard to grasp the scientific imagination"), [3] the mythopoeic mind, which he associated with the doomed world of the pas t, not only survived in him but took on in his imagination a brilliant new vitality. Throughout his whole career he never ceased to be obsessed with many of the great primordial themes of myth: the struggle between life and death, the origin of the world and man, woman, wealth, power, change, fate, the round of the seasons, the larger cycles of nature, fecundity, Eros, world harmony, the ultimate destiny or purpose of things. And what, after all, is Germinal-despite its still terrifying originality-but a modern variation on the ancient epic subjects of love and war, descents into the underworld or a vagina dentata, battles between heroes and monsters? Often, even when Zola thinks he is relaying the scientific picture of things, elements from old metaphysical and religious systems deeply grounded in the sphere of mythos color his thought, while his own mythopoeic imagination tends to personify and animate everything. The planets, for him, are the devoted daughters of the sun. The solar system is a small tribe, ignored and lost, in the great nation of heaven. All the stars turn harmoniously around their common Father, whom the telescope of the astronomer has yet to find. Struck with admiration at Kepler's laws, he remarks, "Rien ne ravit l'esprit comme l'unité dans la grandeur. La création entière soumise à une seule force, tous les mondes, solidaires les uns des autres, vivant de concert et emportés dans l'espace par une loi d'amour et de devoir, c'est là un spectacle merveilleux et sublime" (X, 325). Reading Alfred Frédol's Le Monde de la mer, he observes, possibly recalling his own youthful epic project La Chaine des êtres, or La Genèse, '''La chaîne des êtres s'allonge devant moi, depuis l'amibe, animé d'un simple mouvement vibratoire, jusqu'à la baleine [...] Son livre éveillera dans tout esprit droit les pensées profondes qu'éveille la lecture d'un traité de géologie, celles d'une création lente et continue qui n'a pas eu de commencement et qui n'aura pas de fin" (X, 327). He concludes with regard to both Guillemin's Le Ciel and Frédol's book: "D'une part, avec M. Guillemin la structure de l'univers, immense et solide machine; de l'autre, avec Frédol, un des cours de la machine en travail, les manifestations de ce souffle de vie qui circule partout dans l'œuvre et qui un jour l'animera en une seule" (X, 328). At times he goes so far as to take for scientific truth what is really almost unadulterated myth, as when he confuses Michelet's essentially erotic, pantheistic view of nature with the revelations of science that have come to replace myth: La science nous a révélé une poésie plus haute, la réalité s'est trouvée plus grande que la fable. [...] It should be pointed out, moreover, that many of the most memorable characters in Zola's novels are part of the stock cast of types, or representational forms, which Albert J. George identifies in the chapter on "The New Mythology" in his book The Development of French Romanticism--all, as Alfred Nettement has pointed out, representing "cet être multiple qu'on appelle le peuple" and representing it "avec un visage à la fois douloureux et terrible": The Bourgeois, the Capitalist, the Minister, the Artisan, the Convict, the Jesuit, the Stockholder, the Orphan, the Union Organizer, the Striker, the Harsh Foreman, the Prostitute, the Socialist, among many others [4]. There can be no doubt but that more than one of these creations assume in Zola's fiction the true force of myth. J. Chambron, for example, in "Réalisme et épopée chez Zola," speaks of "l'éclatement épique" that takes place in Zola's portrayal of his male and female miners and also remarks, "Figure sans visage, la ‘figure pâle et houillée de la femme’ que Claveau se lasse de voir soulever le rideau des corons? Non, certes, mais figure aux mille visages des femmes dont on affame les petits et dont on tue les hommes" [5]. But if Zola contributes to the formation of the new mythology, he also invites comparison with the old, the specifie myth of the past. Flaubert wrote, "Nana tourne au Mythe, sans cesser d'être réelle. Cette création est babylonienne. Dixi" [6]. Thomas Mann was struck by the same parallel: "Cette Astarté du Seconde Empire, dénommée Nana, n'est-elle pas un symbole et un mythe? Son nom, d'où le tire-t-elle? C'est une désinence primitive, un des antiques balbutiements voluptueux de l'humanité: Nana était une des appellations de l'Ishtar babylonienne. Zola le savait-il? Mais plus remarquable et caractéristique encore serait qu'il l'eût ignoré" [7]. Taine, after reading La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, wrote Zola that it transcended the tone and the proportions of the novel, that it reminded one of a piece of Persian poetry, of the intense and dazzling dreams of Heine, of passages in the Hindu epics [8]. Banville praised Zola for having rejoined the Greeks through the force of his myths, and remarked about La Bête humaine, "Oui, cette effrayante épopée, au-dessus de laquelle planent les Fatalités cruelles comme les Dieux, m'a fait songer à ce qu'il y a de plus grand dans le passé" [9]. Anatole France, equally impressed, published in Le Temps of March 9, 1890, a dialogue in which he declared that Zola's locomotive La Lison was immortal "au même titre que la Dryade des Grecs," and in the same article compared Zola to Homer. Edouard Herriot likened the Rougon-Macquart family to the House of Atreus and found in La Terre something of the spirit of Hesiod. The poet André Dumas, in a speech at Médan on October 23, 1926, said, "La faim, la misère, la luxure, traversent son œuvre comme de nouvelles Erinnyes. [...] Les pires des Rougon-Macquart ont commis moins de crimes que les Atrides, parricides et incestueux" [10]. More recently, F. W. J. Hemmings has made much the same analogy and pointed out others--between, for example, the plot of Zola's short story Simplice and the myth of Pyramus and Thisbe or Hero and Leander [11]. There is much evidence that many of these resemblances are more than merely accidental. We know, for instance, that Zola remained more attached to many classical myths than he usually admitted. ln an article published in 1876, after he had attended a performance of Banville's Déïdamia, he confessed that despite his naturalism he was utterly delighted: Non! lorsqu'un écrivain vit les yeux sur les étoiles, en pleine extase du rêve, il ne faut point l'éveiller, il devient sacré, même pour les révolutionnaires qui cassent à coups de marteau les vieilles idoles. [...] Je pouvais croire que j'étais endormi, que ma fantaisie elle-même vagabondait dans mes souvenirs classiques. [...] Oui, vraiment, c'était l'Olympe qui ressuscitait, non pas l'Olympe dont on grelotte au collège, mais un Olympe tout ensoleillé, doré d'un reflet romantique, amusant comme une montagne ciselée par un orfèvre moderne. (XI, 775 -776) He collected classical sculpture on mythological motifs. His estate included at the time of his death, along with other similar objects, a white marble mask of the god Pan and two sarcophagi, one showing the Three Graces surrounded by putti and mythological divinities, the other, groups of bacchantes and maenades. He also owned, according to the catalogue of objects sold by the Hôtel Drouet in 1903, a sixteenth-century bronze statuette of Hercules and an eighteenth-century figure of Zeus mounted on his eagle and hurling a thunderbolt. When, on a visit to Rome in 1894, Zola visited the Vatican museum, he was filled with as much longing for ancient Greece as Renan might have been, Louis Ménard or Flaubert: Ils ont eu beau mettre des feuilles de vigne aux statues, c'est le triomphe splendide de la chair, l'épanouissement magnifique de la vie, c'est Vénus tout entière, et c'est Pan, et c'est Jupiter tout puissant. La nudité y clame la toute-puissance de la nature, l'éternelle matière [...]. Comme nous sommes loin du christianisme pauvre, ignorant, tout âme, méprisant la chair, maudissant la nature complice de l'amour et de la joie. Comme la vie frissonne et s'étale là . Comme il y ferait bon de vivre et d'aimer, sous la caresse du beau ciel. (VII, 1081) Metaphors and similes from Greek and Roman mythology readily occurred to him while he was writing. The first letter that we have of his, written to Cézanne on June 14, 1858, contains a flowery allusion to Apollo and a description of the Aix countryside with its boulders "entassés les uns sur les autres, comme Pelion sur Ossa" (XIV, 1192). Similar figures may be found here and there through his non-fictional works. For example, in La Tribune of 28 Nov. 1869 he calls Flaubert "un Titan, plein d'haleines énormes, qui raconte les mœurs d'une fourmillière, en faisant des efforts pour ne pas céder à l'envie de souffler des chants héroïques dans sa grande trompette de bronze" (X, 917). Discussing Flaubert's cult of form, his ever-growing obsession with a marmoreal perfection, he said in Le Messager de l'Europe in July, 1880: "Mais il y avait un sentiment de tristesse, à voir ce talent si puissant renouveler la fable antique des nymphes changées en pierre. Lentement, des jambes à la taille, puis à la tête, Flaubert devenait un marbre" (XI, 150-151). Zola's fiction also contains numerous mythological figures. One of the first to point this out was his friend Henry Céard, in a long-lost critical study. Noting how often, quite unconsciously, as he supposed, Zola seemed to end up with a symbolism identical with that of the Greeks, he said with evident surprise: "Et cela à un point si incontestable qu'à tous moments il compare ses personnages aux divinités de la mythologie antique. Comme au milieu de La Fortune des Rougon, nous sommes étonnés de voir Clarinde assimilée à Diane, dans Une page d'Amour, on dit que Mme Hélène ressemble à Junon [...]" [12]. No doubt, as Céard assumed, many of the parallels between Zola's symbols and classical symbols are unintentional. More than one of bis mythological allusions, moreover, are probably quite casual, and we must not attempt to attach any profound significance to them. However, there is considerable evidence that many other such evocations are not only quite deliberate, but are probably carefully planned, long in advance, and must be regarded as valuable keys to the symbolism, the hidden metaphors, the deeper meanings of the works in which they occur. The truth is that Zola was intrigued from the outset of his career by the idea of exploiting the possibilities of ancient myths. When he was in his early twenties, one of his neighbors was a certain Pagès du Tarn, an aging, proud, but mediocre poet who had composed, much to the amusement of the more gossipy Parisian journalists of the day, a Nouvelle Phèdre. Zola immediately saw its failings, but he also recognized the nobility of Pagès' ambitions and the merit of some of his ideas, as he wrote his friends at Aix: "Son ambition est noble, et tout homme vraiment artiste doit aspirer au but qu'il se propose. Régénérer le théâtre, ne faire ni tragédie, ni drame, genres également faux tous deux, créer un chef-d'œuvre de raison et de passion vraiment humaine, puisant sa grandeur dans le vrai, c'est là , je le répète, une noble ambition, mais aussi une tâche lourde et terrible" (XIV, 1261). And with respect to La Nouvelle Phèdre itself he had concluded: Est-ce à dire que ces drames qui s'agitent confusément dans l'ombre d'une maison, que ces passions terribles qui désolent une famille, ne présentent aucun intérêt, ne soient pas dignes d'être mis sur la scène? Loin de là, seulement il faut, selon moi, que le style s'accorde avec le genre, et certes, le vieux style classique, les exclamations, les périphrases sont ce qu'il y a de plus faux au monde dans la bouche d'une petite bourgeoise. (XIV, 1218) Years later Zola was still toying with the idea of succeeding where Pagès had failed. ln November, 1876, he declared in Le Bien public, "Si l'on veut s'inspirer de l'Antiquité, si l'on veut retrouver la largeur des temps héroïques, il faut étudier et peindre le peuple." He also confessed that he had been reading Euripides' Andromache and quoted briefly from a scene which, he noted, Racine had omitted but which a nineteenth-century playwright might perfectly well employ, with the sole proviso that he transport it into a lower-class milieu: Mais supposons qu'un écrivain, aujourd'hui, veuille remettre le sujet d'Andromaque au théatre et le place dans le monde moderne. Eh bien! s'il veut garder la scène, il ne pourra pas la mettre dans les classes supérieures, où les passions n'ont plus cette franchise; tandis que, s'il la met dans le peuple, il lui sera permis de tout conserver [...]. Oui, l'ouvrier qui serre les poings et qui provoque un camarade, sur nos boulevards extérieurs, est un véritable héros d'Homère, Achille injuriant Hector. (OC, 778) Very possibly it was at about this same time, in 1877 or perhaps in 1878, [13] that Zola set out himself to write a play based on the theme of Andromache, but placed in a proletarian or peasant setting. He never, apparently, completed this project. We possess only his summaries of Euripides' and Racine's tragedies followed by an Ébauche of no more than six pages, which begins: On pourrait peut-être trouver une nouvelle Andromaque, en établissant ceci: Andromaque aime Pyrrhus, et lutte entre son amour humain pour lui, et son amour maternel pour son fils.-Non, cela détruirait la pièce. Il faut [sic] mieux accepter la donnée antique. One can imagine why Zola never went on with the play. It would most likely have been a very poor one! [16] But what is of infinitely more interest to us is that there are numerous indications that his imagination was frequently, if not habitually, stirred by classical and Biblical myths as he planned his short stories, novels, and other completed creative works. The ordinary reader and even students of French literature are not generally aware of the magnitude of Zola's debt in this regard, a debt at least as considerable as that of any other great modern novelist--including Joyce. It is well known that Zola conceived of La Curée as a new Phèdre and that La Faute de l'abbé Mouret is a deliberate, elaborate variation on the first three chapters of Genesis, complete with garden, forbidden tree, and other reflections of the Old Testament story. Those who have read Frances Leonard's illuminating article on the symbolism of Nana are also aware of the great extent to which Zola had in mind as he invented the plot of this novel various Venus myths. (For example, the frequent water imagery in Nana is quite clearly inspired, as Frances Leonard points out, by Zola's recollection that Venus was born from the sea [17].) Others may have been struck by Zola's Lazare, which Frédéric Ricard has called the most admirable of all of Zola's lyrical poems (XV, 54,). Or one may have been impressed, like the author of this essay, by the extent to which Germinal would seem to be inspired by specific Classical and Biblical myths of the flood, the war between the gods, Hades, and other myths and legends [18]. But these are not, by any means, the only works by Zola in which particular ancient myths play important roles. The student of Zola will find many other exampIes. Hercules lives on in Goujet, the heroic blacksmith in L'Assommoir; Cybele, the goddess of nature, in Désirée, in La Faute de l'abbé Mouret; Saint George in Félicien, in Le Rêve [19]. As Rodolphe Walter has pointed out in Les Nouvelles de l'Estampe, the myth of Pyramus and Thisbe underlies the plot of Madeleine Férat and is one of the sources of the love idyl of Silvère and Miette in La Fortune des Rougon [20]. lndeed, it might be noted in passing that Zola would seem to have been especially concerned with many of the themes and tales which had delighted Ovid (an author who was, like himself, obsessed with the theme of change). Not only, as we have just seen, was Zola inspired by the myths of Pyramus and Thisbe, Phaedra, the Flood; he used, in addition to Phaedra, Echo and Narcissus as part of the mythological substructure of La Curée. Au Bonheur des Dames, the novel about the rise of the modern department store, would seem to be a variation on the legend of Pygmalion. Like Shaw's Dr. Higgins, Zola's Octave, the founder of Au Bonheur des Dames, starts out by exploiting woman, symbolized by Louise, only to be conquored by her in the end. As Zola points out in his notes, Louise is the revenge of ever-living love, "le triomphe de Vénus." And indeed, we find, scribbled lightly and almost illegibly on a list of preliminary research topics that the novelist prepared in the early stages of this work, the words: "la lutte de Pygmalion" [21]. Les Quatre journées de Jean Gourdon, one of Zola's best short stories, revives the Pythagorean concept, described in Book XV of the Metamorphoses, of the Four Ages of Man. Theocritus must also be included among Zola's literary ancestors, if only because of his remark in his notes for Le Ventre de Paris, "il me faut l'idylle parisienne, très pimentée. [...] Je mettrai, en un mot, Théocrite aux Halles" [22]. Further evidence of the close bonds between Zola's fiction and the myths of Greek tragedy may be found in his Ébauche for Le Docteur Pascal, where he refers to Pascal and Clotilde begging from door to door as "le vieux roi mendiant avec son Antigone"--a metaphor which, however, is metamorphosed in the novel into King David and Abishag, in keeping with the analogy maintained throughout this work between its leading characters and the kings, queens, and prophets of the Old Testament [23]. There can be little doubt, moreover, but that Zola's predilection for working-class heroes is partly explained by his desire to find modern equivalents for the mythical heroes of Homer. From the beginning Zola underlines the Homeric qualities of his common people, as when in La Fortune des Rougon he introduces his mob of insurrectionists in a setting strongly reminiscent of classical epiés and tragedies. "La nuit surtout, ces lieux ont une horreur sacrée," he writes, and he imagines that the moon has turned each rock and crag into a shaft of a truncated column, a fallen capital, or a wall adorned with mysterious porticoes. He conjures up the vision of the Garrigues looming in the distance in the faint lunar light, like "une immense cité cyclopéenne" (II, 152). One may also recall Zola's statement in a letter written in February, 1897, to Fourcaud apropos of Méssidor: "C'est un poème lyrique, et très lyrique, des personnages d'épopée, que j'ai voulus aussi grands que ceux d'Homère, une action très haute, très générale, exaltée en plein symbole. Vous me jugez donc bien sot, si vous vous imaginez que j'ai fait parler là des paysans?" (XIV, 1492). La Faute de l'abbé Mouret, Germinal, and Lazare, furthermore, are not the only works containing strong reminiscences of Judeo-Christian myths. While plotting Son Excellence Eugène Rougon he had in mind the myth of Samson and Delilah [24]. One of the titles he considered for L'Œuvre was La Lutte avec l'ange--an image which he perhaps got from Delacroix's famous mural La Lutte de Jacob avec l'ange or perhaps, among other possible sources in addition to the book of Genesis, these verses from Hugo's Les Mages: Gluck et Beethoven sont à l'aise A careful study of L'Œuvre itself will show, l believe, that this allusion to the story of Jacob and the Angel is no passing metaphor, but a central symbol, a key to the shadowy central drama not only of this particular work, but also of Zola's own life, which is the principal source of the plot. Thus we see how, even though Zola wanted modern art to detach itself from the traditional forms and symbols and to transform itself into a study of current history and an expression of the scientific mentality and scientific view of nature, he only partially realized this ideal in his own work. As he once said of Chateaubriand, Zola stands with one foot in the future and one in the past. The mythopoeic mind of primitive man survives in him, as strong as ever, helping create the new myths of the modern age and passing on the old, reshaping them, fusing them with new symbols, and using them to express modern themes. Very possibly the kind of desacralization ascribed by Mircea Eliade to the nineteenth-century novel in general occurs, but so also does the contrary process: if the great mythical heroes of the past are reduced to ordinary men and women, the ordinary men and women of the modern age, together with the whole modern scene, the whole modern drama, are lifted into the realm of myth [25]. The very profusion of symbols and metaphors, the metaphoric fusion, the kaleidoscopic transformation of symbols, in Zola's fiction not only implies, as Leo Spitzer would surely agree, the myth of world harmony but also that other myth revived by the romantics of world unity, the myth of a common world-sou1 [26]. With Zola, who represents perhaps the extreme limit of the impact of the scientific mentality on literature, we find, paradoxically, by some kind of Newton's law governing the human psyche, a dramatic flight back towards not only the dark chaos of subjectivity, but the luminous transcendent realm of the sacred. We think of Renan's remark, "Plus l'homme se développe par la tête, plus il rêvele pôle contraire [...] l'être instinctif qui n'agit que par l'impulsion d'une conscience obscure" [27]. Surely Zola is as good an example of this duality as Renan himself. Finally, it should be pointed out that Zola's transitional characteristics may be seen not only in the tension between science and myth in his works, but also in his choice of myth. For he is especially obsessed with the great mythological themes of world creation and world destruction and renewal. We can see this in his choice of ancient myths--the story of Genesis, for example, or the war between the gods--and in those more modern symbols which swarm through his works and which often have the force of myth. He was exalted by the thought, which he shared with many of his contemporaries, that the work of creation, far from having been completed in seven days, was still not over, that even the catastrophes of the present age are necessary stages in the march towards perfection. Like Nietzsche, his almost exact contemporary, he looked forward to the advent of a superman. "Il y a encore de nouvelles contrées dans le sein de notre globe, il y a encore dans notre être, dans nos vagues aspirations et nos désirs d'infini, de nouveaux êtres plus purs et plus parfaits." (X, 101). This view of history, together with that other "myth" which we also associate with Nietzsche, the Myth of Eternal Return, is at the source of that curious combination that we find in Zola of myths and symbols on the theme of world creation, on the one hand, and world destruction, on the other. He combines the imagination of a Hesiod, or Moses, with that of a Saint John of Patmos (together with that of a Cuvier, and that of a Darwin). There are times when his animaIs, for example, take on something of the apocalyptic power we associate with the Revelation of Saint John--the racing herds of riderless horses in La Débâcle, and, in Germinal, the dying Bataille, anticipating the equine figures in Picasso's Guernica. The Last Judgment is itself evoked in La Débâcle through the device--a favorite one of Zola's--of a picture included in the setting. Zola also carries on, in scenes of great power, the obsessive nineteenth-century metaphors of twilight, sunrise, and sunset. Think of the spectacular sunsets and sunrises in Germinal, L'Œuvre, La Débâcle, Les Trois Villes, and the Quatre Évangiles. Or recall the luminous endings of La Confession de Claude or Les Aventures du grand Sidoine et du petit Médéric. Or remember the description of an outdoor religious procession at sunset in Souvenir II: On n'entend que la psalmodie des prêtres et le bruit argentin des chaînes des encensoirs, à chaque secousse. C'est le catholicisme éclopé qui se traîne sous le ciel bleu des vieilles croyances. Le soleil se couche; des lueurs roses s'éteignent sur les toits; une grande douceur tombe avec le crépuscule; et, dans cet air limpide du Midi la procession s'en va avec des voix mourantes, effacement mélancolique de tout un âge qui descend dans la terre. (IX, 411) Through these and other symbols which have the power of myth, we see expressed the modern consciousness that we are living in what the Greeks would have called the "right" time for a metamorphosis of the gods. Nowhere more than in such images are we so overwhelmed by Zola's realization that he is witnessing the death throes of the old religions, the old political systems, the old social structures of the European past and, at the same time, the emergence of a new and hopefully better age out of the ruins. At the heart of his works is the myth of revolution, as Melvin J. Lasky has described it in a recent essay, "The Birth of a Metaphor" [28]. As we can see in more than one of Zola's novels but above aIl Germinal, he shares in that ambivalence which, as Lasky points out, we associate with the myth of Revolution. He does not know whether one should do something for the regeneration of the earth or simply wait, as Lasky puts it, "for the imminent end and the establishment, amid universal peace, of the good and free and supremely happy life." (Etienne, setting off to foment revolution has a vision of nature calmly preparing the new Age of Gold that the striking miners vainly tried to hasten. Was the strike futile? we ask as we close the book. Or did it accomplish something ?) Furthermore, as we read Germinal we might be back among the ancient writers of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the men of Qumran, who, as their scholarly translator has recorded, were inspired by a widespread and well-attested contemporary belief that the great cycle of the ages was about to complete its revolution. This belief was based on a conception, which can in fact be traced to remote Indian antiquity, that existence consists not in linear progressive development--that is, in "history"--but in a constant cyclic repetition of primordial and archetypal events. When major upheavals occurred, it was promptly supposed that the cycle was nearing its end, that the Great Year was at hand, and that cosmos was about to revert to chaos. The primal elements, restrained and regulated at the beginning of the world, would again be unleashed; aIl things would dissolve in an overwhelming deluge or be burned in that everlasting fire which rages in the depths of the earth. Then the cycle would begin again; a new world would be brought to birth [29]. In Zola, quite as much as in Milton, Hugo, or any other writer, we find what Lasky calls "this great mythological scenario, with its ritual role for hostilities, its states of sacred fury, its hopes of human redemption, its planetary certainty, and the coming of the great and Golden Time,"--this scenario in which the myth of Revolution "belongs in its way to the paradigmatic gestures of archaic humanity, to the archetypes of the primordial world." ln addition to the metaphorical sunsets and sunrises, other great nineteenth-century images of change, of revolution, together with some which we may presume are of Zola's own making, are found here and there in his novels: the Volcano, the Fiery Furnace or Crucible, the Cuve--cauldron or wine vat. We are reminded of Barbier, Hugo, Vigny, and many others. As with Vigny, the locomotive becomes a symbol of progress, the agony of change, the troubled gleams of the moment. The myth of Paris as the New Rome, the center of Progress, the sacred place where the new world is being born, is also developed at great length in Zola, particularly in Les Trois Villes. Nor must we forget the many images of parturition to be found in Zola or the symbolic mothers and children that conclude both the Rougon-Macquart series and Les Trois Villes. ln the final pages of Le Docteur Pascal, Clotilde, we remember, is shown as a kind of new Virgin Mary nursing her baby and musing on the role he might be called upon to play: "L'enfant était venu, le rédempteur peut-être. Les cloches avaient sonné, les rois mages s'étaient mis en route [...]." And in the final page of the novel, she prays to her own child as if he were indeed the new Christ. "A l'enfant qui allait être demain, au génie qui naissait peut-être, au messie que le prochain siècle attendait, qui tirerait les peuples de leur doute et de leur souffrance! [...] Dans les temps troublés, on doit attendre les prophètes." Zola's work notes for this episode express more explicity, if less poetically, the profound meaning that he wanted to impart to it, as weIl as the importance he gave to it as the conclusion of his major life's work: "Le monde de demain, l'enfant inconnu--Qui dira à notre monde: Lazare, lève-toi pour revivre. Mon enfant inconnu, est-il celui qui refera notre monde croulant [...]. C'est beau de fermer la série sur cet espoir en l'éternelle nature, en l'éternelle vie: espérer que l'être va naître qui recommencera l'expérience, qui sur le vieux monde caduque, en fera naître un nouveau" [30]. Zola contains within himself an intensely modern mentality, but he remains above all a mythopoet with as much in common with the primitive creators of myth as with a Claude Bernard, a Littré, and those other modems he admired. ln particular, he is the mythopoet of the modernization process. His work is to a great degree the product of the impact of science, technology, and the political, social, economic, psychological, philosophical, and religious changes that are part of the modern revolution in the continuing mythopoeic tradition. Symposium, 25 (Summer 1971), 204-220. Reprinted with permission of the Helen Dwight Reid Educational Foundation. Published by Heldref Publications, 1319 18th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036-1802. www.heldref.org Copyright © 1969. _____________________________ [1] Œuvres Complètes, ed, Henri Mitterand, (Paris: Cercle du Livre Précieux, 1966-1970), X, 325. Unless otherwise indicated, subsequent references in the text will be to this edition. Return. [2] L'Atelier de Zola: Textes de journaux 1865-1870, ed. Martin Kanes (Geneva: Droz, 1963), p. 199. Return. [3] Harry Levin, The Gates of Horn (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 309. Return. [4] The Development of French Romanticism (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1955), p. 182. Return. [5] La Pensée (Sept.-Oct. 1952), p. 131. Return. [6] Cit. by F. W. J. Hemmings, Emile Zola, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), p. 137. Return. [7] « Zola et l'âge d'or, » trans. Louise Servicien, Présence de Zola (Paris: Fasquelle, 1953), p. 11. Return. [8] Cit. by Hemmings, p. 109. Return. [9] Cit. by Eileen Souffrin, "Banville et Zola (avec des lettres inédites)," Les Cahiers Naturalistes, Nos. 24-25 (1963), 66. Return. [10] Cit. by Maurice Le Blond in his notes for La Fortune des Rougon, Œuvres Complètes, 50 vols. (Paris: Bernouard, 1927-1929). Return. [11] Hemmings, pp. 15,46,47. Return. [12] Les Cahiers Naturalistes, No. 35 (1968), p. 50. See also Salvan's footnote 13. Return. [13] These are the dates suggested by Henri Mitterand in a letter of Feb. 14, 1969. Return. [14] Zola added between the lines: "sauvage dans le Caucase, une femme superbe." Return. [15] The manuscript is in the possession of Jean-Claude Le Blond-Zola, who generously furnished me with a copy. l am greatly indebted also to Henri Mitterand for his kind assistance in this matter. Return. [16] Note, however, Lawson Carter, Zola and the Theater, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963), p. 194, apropos of L'Ouragan: "The four principal characters are caught in a mesh of love, jealousy and vengeance which in one or two respects is reminiscent of Racine's Andromaque [...]." Return. [17] "Nana: Symbol and Action," MFS, 9 (1963), 149-58. Return. [18] See P. Walker, "Prophetic Myths in Zola," PMLA, 74 (1959), 444-452. Return. [19] See Roger Ripoll, "Le symbolisme végétal dans La Faute de l'abbé Mouret," Les Cahiers Naturalistes, No. 31 (1966), p. 18; J. H. Matthews, "Zola's Le Rêve as an experimental novel," MLR, 52, 2 (1957), p. 191. Return. [20] "Pyrame et Thisbe à l'Hôtel du Grand Cerf," Les Nouvelles de l'Estampe, No. 9 (1963), 238-241. Return. [21] Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), MS, Fonds français, Nouvelles acquisitions, 10277, fol. 12, 10278, foIs. 352, 358. Return. [22] Bibliothèque Nationale, N. A. F. 10338, foIs. 71-72. See also foIs. 34, 35. Return. [23] Bibliothèque Bodmer (Cologny, Switzerland), preparatory notes for Le Docteur Pascal (Ébauche, Plans), fol. 169. See Henri Mitterand's comment, Les Rougon-Macquart, (Paris: La Pléiade, 1960-1976), V, p. 1657. Return. [24] Bibliothèque Nationale, N. A. F. 10292, fol. 105. Return. [25] See Eliade's discussion of some "myths of the modern world" in Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries (New York, 1960) and Myth and Reality (New York, 1963), p. 191. Return. [26] See Leo Spitzer, Classical and Christian Ideas of World Harmony (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1963), p. 24. Return. [27] Œuvres Complètes, II (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1947-1958), 716. Return. [28] Encounter, 34 (1970),34-35, and (March 1970), 30-42. Return. [29] Theodore Gaster, The Dead Sea Scriptures (1956), cit. by Lasky, p. 4I. Return. [30] Preparatory notes for Le Docteur Pascal, fol. 229. Return. ![]() Zola: Poet of an Age of Transition Many nineteenth-century Frenchmen saw their age as a time of change and upheaval preceding the advent of a new and better world, but none--not even Hugo--was more preoccupied with this concept than Zola. "Notre siècle est un siècle de transition: sortant d'un passé abhorré, nous marchons vers un avenir inconnu," he wrote Baille on June 2, 1860, and in a style betraying the deepest emotion he went on to summarize what he thought were the outstanding characteristics of his epoch: its impatience, its irrepressible curiosity to know what the future held in store; the feverish activity in science, commerce, art, politics, religion; the technological progress exemplified by the railroad, telegraph, steamship, and balloon; the vast popular uprisings; the movement of the empires toward unity; the collapse of the old religion and the need for a new faith more suitable to the new world about to be born. He compared society to a runner racing up the path of the future, straining to see what lay ahead. He likened his century to a mother big with child and admonished those who wanted to take refuge in the past: "Les sots! dédaignant notre époque si belle, si sainte! Lorsque la mère porte encore son enfant dans son sein, on s'incline devant elle: inclinez-vous donc, brutes, devant notre siècle plein de promesses pour vos petits-neveux" [1]. These ideas are absolutely central to Zola's thought. In his subsequent writings he paraphrases, develops, elaborates them over and over again, often using the same or closely similar images. Recall, for example, this passage from "La Littérature et la gymnastique," in Le Salut publique of May 5, 1865: Nous en sommes à l'âge des chemins de fer et des comédies haletantes, où le rire n'est souvent qu'une grimace d'angoisse, à l'âge du télégraphe électrique et des œuvres extrêmes, d'une réalité exacte et triste. L'humanité glisse, prise de vertige, sur la pente raide de la science.... Nous voudrions devancer les temps, nous faisons bon marché de nos sueurs, nous brisons le corps par la tension de l'esprit. Tout notre siècle est là. Au sortir de la paix monarchique et dogmatique, lorsque le monde et l'humanité ont été remis en question, il est arrivé que l'on a repris le problème sur de nouvelles bases... Si j'osais hasarder une comparaison, je dirais que nos sociétés sont comme une meute lancée contre une bête fauve. Nous sentons la vérité qui court devant nous et nous courons. (X, 56-57) Or think of this passage from the article he wrote on Taine for La Revue contemporaine of February 15, 1866: Nous sommes en pleine anarchie, et, pour moi, cette anarchie est un spectacle curieux et intéressant.... On n'admire pas assez cet enfantement continu et obstiné de notre époque... nous assistons à un labeur profondément humain, à la lutte des diverses facultés, aux couches laborieuses d'un temps qui doit porter en lui un grand et bel avenir.... nous sommes malades d'industrie et de science, malades de progrès; nous vivons dans la fièvre ... nous cherchons, nous faisons chaque jour de nouveaux essais, nous créons pièce à pièce un monde nouveau. (X, 147-148) Or these remarks from the preface to his first volume of collected essays, Mes Haines: Au sortir du vieux monde, nous nous hâtons vers un monde nouveau.... Eh quoi! nous en sommes à cet âge où les chemins de fer et le télégraphe électrique nous emportent, chair et esprit, à l'infini et à l'absolu, à cet âge grave et inquiet où l'esprit humain est un enfantement d'une vérité nouvelle ... Les horizons s'élargissent, la lumière monte et emplit le ciel.... Nous sommes au seuil d'un siècle de science et de réalité, et nous chancellons, par instants, comme des hommes ivres, devant la grande lueur qui se lève en face de nous.... nous en sommes à l'heure de la démolition ... Demain l'édifice sera reconstruit. Nous aurons eu les joies cuisantes, l'angoisse douce et amère de l'enfantement ... (X, 23-27) We find the same ideas expressed or implied in page after page throughout the whole corpus of Zola's works. Any number of examples from his correspondence or journalistic articles might be cited. His vision of his age as a major turning point, a time of stupendous change, a veritable apocalypse, is at the root of his conception of the nature and objectives of contemporary literature and art, not to mention much of his criticism of particular writers and painters. For example, in La Tribune of September 20, 1868, he accuses Frédéric Mistral of losing himself in fairy tales, of failing to appreciate the drama of modem times: Notre époque est travaillée, découragée, lugubre, dites-vous. C'est que vous ne l'avez jamais interrogée. Elle est triste peutêtre, parce qu'elle est impatiente de l'avenir; mais elle a grand cœur à la besogne, elle est un enfantement d'un monde.... Venez droit aux temps modernes, et quand vous aurez vécu un jour dans notre travail géant ... vous ne chanterez plus que nos efforts, nos luttes et nos triomphes. (X, 762-763) With regard to contemporary French poets in general, he says in 1869: "En face du dix-neuvième siècle, de ce siècle industriel et savant, ils se rejettent en arrière, aveuglés, ne voyant pas l'aurore du lendemain, ne pouvant croire que nos chemins de fer, nos ballons et nos télégraphes électriques entrent pour jamais pour quelque chose dans un poème" [2]. The same historical assumptions are behind his conception of Paris: Les philosophies sont mortes, les idées sociales se sont transformées, tout un monde a croulé ... J'ai quitté mes chenets et, ouvrant la fenêtre, j'ai regardé mon cher, mon grand Paris, affairé dans la cendre grise du crépuscule.... C'est son immense drame qui m'attache au drame moderne ... Je le sens secoué par l'immense labeur du siècle, je le vois gros d'un monde, et si j'avais quelque orgueil suprême, je rêverais de le jeter tout chaud et tout plein de son travail géant, dans quelque œuvre gigantesque. (X, 977) Needless to say, the same progressivist creed lies behind many of his articles on social and political subjects. For instance, it is obvious that he was motivated very largely in the heroic role he played in the Dreyfus Affair by his conviction that he was taking part in the great final struggle between the forces of the past and the forces of the future. He wrote in "Impressions d’audiences": Et voilà pourquoi sans doute le spectacle a été si poignant, dans cette cour d'assises, où se sont heurtés des soldats et des savants. Les soldats, n'était-ce point hier, une théocratie s'appuyant sur le glaive, des castes à part, des minorités infimes, vivant du peuple innombrable qui crève de faim et donne son sang dans des combats ... Les savants, n'était-ce pas demain, l'espoir de plus de vérité et de plus de justice, une fraternité plus grande entre les hommes, une société nouvelle ... (XIV, 1117) It was during the same tempestuous period that he exhorted Maurice Le Blond: "L'action! l'action! tous doivent agir, tous comprennent que c'est un crime social que de ne pas agir, dans une heure si grave, lorsque les forces néfastes du passé livrent un combat suprême aux énergies de demain" (XIV, 1532). The same conception of his age informs nearly the whole of his major creative writings. It is at least as central to his thought as his physiological theories. Germinal, his masterpiece, does not, as he himself pointed out, turn on physiological questions at all. But none of his novels is more colored by the mood of world destruction and renewal or by the dream of an imminent new golden age. None presents more powerfully the drama of transition which France, along with other Western countries, was undergoing in his time. It would be too much to say that each of his works is concerned with the same awesome historical process. However, when we stand back, as it were, and view Zola's fiction, beginning with La Fortune des Rougon, as a whole -- as a single giant fresco -- what strikes us most of all is the vision that emerges of the metamorphosis of a civilization. Through Zola's prophetic eye, we look out upon a spectacle of cosmos emerging out of chaos, a titanic conflict between the forces of the past and the future, the convulsions, the catastrophes preceding the birth of a new world. It is noteworthy in this connection that much of Zola's most characteristic imagery is related in one way or another to the themes of transition and progress. For example, he is forever contrasting things which he associates with the past with things he associates with the future. A memorable example, among countless others we might mention, is the opposition he establishes in the scene of Claude's burial, in L’Œuvre, between the Latin of the priest reciting the service for the dead and the shrill cries of locomotives hurtling past through a geometric jungle of telegraph poles and railroad signals -- a fitting backdrop for Sandoz's anguished remark: "Nous ne sommes pas une fin, mais une transition, un commencement d'autre chose..." (V, 733). Another example, equally memorable, is this view of the Holy City in Rome -- the modern electric lights twinkling here and there, struggling to shine. to stand out, among the dim gaslights and dark ruins of the old quarters as seen by Pierre Froment from the Pope's apartment: De rares constellations, des étoiles brillantes traçant de mystérieuses et nobles figures tâchaient vainement de lutter et de se dégager. Elles étaient noyées, effacées dans le chaos confus de cette poussière d'un vieil astre, qui se serait brisé là, y laissant sa gloire, réduite désormais à n'être qu'une sorte de sable phosphorescent ... (VII, 914) Remember also the many symbolic sunrises and sunsets in Zola's works-this description, for instance, in Souvenirs II, of a religious procession in Aix: C'est le catholicisme éclopé qui se traîne sous le ciel bleu des vieilles croyances. Le soleil se couche, des lueurs roses s'éteignent sur les toits; une grande douceur tombe avec le crépuscule-, et, dans cet air limpide du Midi, la procession s'en va avec des voix mourantes, effacement mélancolique de tout un âge qui descend dans la terre. (IX, 411) Or recall the spectacular luminous endings of Germinal, La Débâcle, Paris, Travail. There is an equally apocalyptic quality in many of his other most striking symbols -- the classical myths of creation and revolution he evokes in Germinal and elsewhere or the typically romantic images found here and there in his novels, for example, the smith forging out the future on his anvil, the sower, the giant cauldron or wine vat in which the future is being brewed. Nor must we overlook the symbolic use Zola makes of children. Nothing, for instance, better reveals his major intentions in Les Rougon-Macquart than the concluding scene of Le Docteur Pascal, in which Clotilde is portrayed breast feeding her baby -- a scene about which Zola wrote in his working notes: Le monde de demain, l'enfant inconnu. -Qui dira à notre monde: Lazare, lèvetoi pour revivre. Mon enfant inconnu, est-il celui qui refera notre monde croulant.... C'est beau de fermer la série sur cet espoir en l'éternelle nature, en l'éternelle vie: espérer que l'être va naître qui recommencera l'expérience, qui sur le vieux monde caduque, en fera naître un nouveau [3]. Three major groups stand out among the hundreds of characters and places depicted in Zola's fiction. One of these -- far larger than those who have read only Zola's most famous novels may suspect -- consists of vestiges of the past; for example, Beaumont, in Le Rêve; the peasant communities in La Terre; the cold, dark, silent house of Renée's father, the retired judge Béraud du Châtel on the Ile Saint-Louis, in La Curée; the Beauvilliers' country estate swallowed up by the expanding modem city, in L'Argent; or the Palazzo Boccanera, not to mention the Vatican itself, in Rome. And in the midst of these and similar decors, Zola shows us the human relics that inhabit them -preserved in amber like the idyllic figures in Le Rêve or struggling vainly to survive, slowly fading, giving way, changing or disappearing: the peasants threatened by the machine and competition from America; the traditional craftsmen and shopkeepers, the hide-bound artists and critics, the Quixotic soldiers, the old bourgeois, the aristocrats and priests. He shows us Uncle Baudu, the draper, shaking his fist at the big modern department store that is driving him out of business. He shows us the once beautiful Comtesse de Beauvilliers weeping endlessly in her bare, impoverished room. He shows us the majestic old Cardinal Boccanera lifting his voice in prayer: O Dieu puissant, que votre volonté soit donc faite! Que tout meure, que tout croule, que tout retourne à la nuit du chaos! Je resterai debout dans ce palais en ruine, j'attendrai d'y être enseveli sous les décombres.... O Dieu puissant, souverain Maître, disposez de moi, faites de moi, si cela est dans vos desseins, le pontife de la destruction, de la mort du monde! (VII, 972) A second group emerges in Zola's last novels, where he limns prophetically, in luminous, oneiric lines and colors, the shape of things to come -- the "twentieth century" of his dreams -- a world of love, liberty, truth, labor, justice, peace, harmony, and brotherhood. But the largest, most varied group, the group on which he focuses most sharply, the group in which he himself is most at home, is that, of course, which has to do with the ephemeral, often fetal or monstrous products of the present -- those institutions, places and people who belong neither so much to the past or to the future as they do to the process of transition itself: the Satanic factories and mines, the crowded, expanding cities, the sordid slums, vulgar, lavish new mansions, the stock exchanges, banks, and markets -- all those things which are destined to disappear in their turn when the world of the future finally arrives; for example, Les Halles, that "œuvre crâne," as Claude says in Le Ventre de Paris, "qui n'est encore qu'une révélation timide du vingtième siècle" (11, 733). Zola's best, most memorable characters are, with some notable exceptions, from this category -- his proletarians, new bourgeois, revolutionary artists and writers, labor leaders, social, political, and religious reformers and visionaries -and behind them all, the engineers and the scientists, who, in Zola's mind, are the true revolutionaries, the true architects of the world of the future. In the foreground of this group, moreover, we find unforgettable portraits of typical victims of progress -- Lazare, for example, in La Joie de vivre -- or, among other quintessential Zola types, those who are divided inwardly between the forces of the past and the forces of the future: for example, Serge Mouret, torn between Catholicism and Naturalism; or that other troubled priest, the central figure of Les Trois Villes, Abbé Pierre Froment, who is portrayed undergoing throughout this vast trilogy an inner apocalypse quite as terrible as that which he perceives going on around him. It must be stressed, moreover, that the themes of transition, progress, world destruction and renewal, far from being peripheral, are the central unifying themes of Zola's fiction. Les Rougon-Macquart, as he envisaged it, was from the beginning to be a study of a world in the throes of revolutionary change and upheaval accompanying the progress of mankind towards perfection. "Le moment est trouble; c'est le trouble du moment que je peins," he wrote in his preliminary notes. Si mes personnages n'arrivent pas au bien, c'est que nous débutons dans la perfectibilité.... Pour résumer mon œuvre en une phrase, je veux peindre, au début d'un siècle de liberté et de vérité, une famille qui s'élance vers les biens prochains, et qui roule détraquée par son élan lui-même, justement à cause des lueurs troubles du moment, des convulsions fatales de l'enfantement d'un monde [4]. Les Trois Villes, the series which immediately follows Les Rougon-Macquart, depicts in particular the clash between the new and the old faiths and between the different doctrines struggling for survival amidst the collapsing ruins of Christianity. Les Quatre Evangiles not only, as we have seen, provide glowing pictures of the world of tomorrow, their central plots are all based on Zola's conception of how this world may come about. "C'est la conclusion naturelle de toute mon œuvre," he wrote in his notes, probably in 1897, "après la longue constatation de la réalité, une prolongation dans demain ... Puis, je finis le siècle, j'ouvre le siècle prochain. Tout cela basé sur la science, le rêve que la science autorise" (VIII, 506). It is interesting, furthermore, that around 1900, only two years before his death, he conceived the project of a vast series of plays, to be entitled La France en Marche, in which he would treat the same themes of change, transition, and progress, but this time in the historical context of the Third Republic. As he put it in his notes: Je veux faire, pour la troisième République, ce que j'ai fait pour le second Empire: une série d'œuvres, où se retrouvera l'histoire naturelle et sociale de l'époque. Seulement, ces œuvres, au lieu d'être des romans, seront des drames. Zola is a kind of modern Ovid -- an epical Ovid, a titanic Ovid, an Ovid combined with a Saint John of Patmos and concerned with the metamorphosis of an entire society, an entire civilization. L'ESPRIT CREATEUR, 11 (Winter 1971), 3-10. _________________________ [1] Œuvres completes, ed. Henri Mitterand, 15 vols (Paris: Cercle du Livre Précieux, 1966-1970) XIV, 1221-1222. Unless otherwise noted, further references to Zola's works will be to this edition. Return. [2] L'Atelier de Zola: Textes de journaux 1865-1870, ed. Martin Kanes (Geneva: Droz, 1963), p. 199. Return. [3] Bibliothèque Bodmer (Cologny, Switzerland), preparatory notes for Le Docteur Pascal (Ebauche, Plans), fol. 169. Return. [4] Les Rougon-Macquart (Paris: La Pléiade, 1960-1967), V, 1739. Return. ![]() Zola's Hellenism Zola's place in the history of modern European Hellenism has generally been considered a very minor one at best. However, to my knowledge the question has never received the close attention it deserves, and careful examination may prove that here, too, our inherited assumptions about Zola will have to be revised. After all, he grew up in a period marked by an extraordinary revival of interest in Greece, and he received a largely classical education, including two years of Greek. He tells us he quickly lost whatever proficiency he had acquired in this language, and so--unlike Flaubert, for example--he doubtless had little direct acquaintance with the Greek classics. But even if Zola had never opened Burnouf's grammar or read a single verse of Homer in the original, over the years he would probably have come to absorb much more about the culture of ancient Greece than most of our leading novelists do today. Henri Peyre has noted that during the middle years of the 19th century the influence of Greece was reflected everywhere in the French intellectual environment. It reached Zola through his physical surroundings, his friendships and acquaintances, the conversations that he overheard along the boulevards, the plays he went to, the fashionable journalists that he read, and the works of the great French authors he admired. It is significant, for example, that one of the most vivid memories of his youth in Aix was of religious processions passing between houses hung with tapestries "à grands personnages mythologiques, tout l'Olympe païen, nu et blafard, venant regarder passer l'Olympe catholique" [1]. While still in his late adolescence, in Paris, he wrote Cézanne that he had fallen in love with the naiads adorning a fountain by Jean Goujon (Cor., I, 51). Later on that same year, 1860, his artist friend Chaillan was painting his portrait, as he wrote Baille, "nu, quelque peu drapé, tenant une lyre antique et les yeux au ciel" (Cor., I, 88). Cézanne and Baille, his two closest confidants, were both profoundly molded by classical culture, and Cézanne's letters to Zola are full of Latin quotations, Latin verses of his own making, and poems in French composed on mythological themes [2]. Baille--who could find no more eloquent way to express a disappointment in love than to write Zola," J'ai perdu mon Euridice, j'ai perdu mon idéal" (Cor., I, 36)--in his youth wanted to become another Homer. Flaubert was particularly preoccupied with Greece at the time Zola knew him, and more than one of their most animated conversations must have been on that subject [3]. (Zola does not tell us whether or not they ever talked about the passages inspired by Greece in La Tentation de saint Antoine, which Flaubert had taken up again the year they met. But we do know that they argued about the question of Homer's modernity and that Flaubert confided to him at some length his plans for a nouvelle about Leonidas at Thermopylae.) Among Zola's wider circle of acquaintances were several other men who had played leading roles in reinstituting the cult of Greece in nineteenth-century France, including both Henri and Arsène Houssaye and Théodore de Banville. Among other indirect sources of Zola's Hellenism, one would certainly have to include such writers as Ronsard, Montaigne, and the great French classical dramatists, especially Racine. He knew and loved the poetry of Chénier, and of several other Romantic authors whose verses were filled with the spirit and culture of Greece--above all Hugo. Zola read a large proportion of everything Hugo wrote and he analyzed many of Hugo's works in detail, including Les Chansons des rues et des bois, with its strongly bucolic qualities, La Légende des siècles, with its powerful evocations of the Creation, War of the Titans, and other classical myths, and that curious novel, L'Homme qui rit, with its parallels--as Hugo points out and Zola was quick to note (Le Gaulois, April 29, May 4, 1869)--with the idyl of Daphnis and Chloe. Zola was also almost certainly acquainted with Hugo's William Shakespeare (1864), which contains celebrated pages on Homer and Aeschylus, and he very probably read with some care Michelet's La Bible de l'humanité and some of the essays on Greek subjects scattered throughout the works of Taine, Renan, and Sainte-Beuve (notably Taine's "Jeunes gens de Platon" and Sainte-Beuve's "Essai sur le roman dans l'antiquité"). Given Zola's passion for the theatre, it is unlikely that he was entirely indifferent to the attempts made by his contemporaries to revive the Greek dramatists in translation or to present plays inspired by Greek mythology. During 1859 (the year after he moved from Aix to Paris), there were at least two such productions--Jules Lacroix's Œdipe Roi and Louis Ratisbonne's Héro et Léandre, not to mention Crémieux and Offenbach's light opera, Orphée aux enfers. In 1864 Zola reviewed for the provincial press a lecture given under the auspices of the Emperor at the rue de la Paix on "Le Peuple dans Shakespeare et dans Aristophane" (Cor., I, 240). During his years of employment as chief of publicity at Hachette, the firm published a significant number of Greek translations, including P. Mesnard's Orestie (1863), Auguste Salmon's Les Travaux et les Jours (1863), Giguet's Homer (1863), F. Jacobs' Anthologie grecque (1863), Bouillet's translation of Aeschylus (1865), and Talbot's Plutarch (1865). During the same period, Hachette also issued a number of books about Greece or inspired by Greece, notably Louise Ackermann's Contes et Poésies, which contained five poems on classical themes. All of these works undoubtedly passed through Zola's hands. However, his correspondence indicates positively that he read Laprade's Psyche (Cor., I, 192), Henri Houssaye's L'Armée dans la Grèce antique (Cor., I, 301), Anatole France's Les Noces Corinthiennes (DL, 140). There are also some books by relatively obscure authors dealing in whole or in part with Greek subjects with which Zola was familiar; e.g., Eugène Pelletan's La Mère (MH, 89), Eugène Paz's La Santé de l'esprit et du corps par la gymnastique (MH, 49), and, above all, Victor Chauvin's Les Romanciers grecs et latins (1862), which he studied in detail [4]. Zola's own writings contain many passages touching either on the classical world or on French Hellenism. Taken altogether they shed a remarkable amount of light on his knowledge of the Greeks, his conception of his own relation to them, and his attitudes with respect to the cult of Greece in the art and literature of his day. In my opinion, the most important of these texts are the following: his letters to Baille of June 15, 1860 (Cor., I, 94-99, meditations on Chénier and the imitation of the ancients, reactions to Hugo's La Légende des siècles) and early September, 1860 (Cor., I,133-139, in which he expresses his ambition to create a new epic); Du Progrès dans les sciences et dans la poésie (1861?--a crucially important early essay, republished twice in revised form, providing numerous insights into Zola's concept of poetry, aesthetic relativism, ideas on how poetry could be rejuvenated, reflections on the classical genres and the use of classical mythology [5]); "La Littérature et la gymnastique" (1865, MH, 47-53, revised, 1872, M, 119-122, reflections on Eugène Paz, descriptions of ancient Athens, contrasts between Greek and modern civilization); Salons (ed. Hemmings and Niess, Droz, 1959, passim, especially "La Sculpture," June 17, 1868); "Causerie" of June 28, 1868 (Atelier [6], 154-159, meditations inspired by Michelet's L'Oiseau, L'Insecte, and La Montagne, on the epic of the future and the comparative poetic value of science and mythology); "Chronique" of July 15, 1868 (Atelier, 90-92, a vigorous defense of the attempt by Victor Duruy, Ministre de l'Instruction Publique, to make Greek an elective subject); "Causeries" of September 19, 1869 (Atelier, 199-202, on the Parnassians); "A M. Armand Silvestre" (1878, RE, 240-245, a polemical article including reflections on the nature of immortality in literature--whether poets have a greater chance to achieve enduring fame than novelists); "Les Poètes contemporains" (1878, 1879, DL, 129-152, comments on Hugo, Auguste Barbier, Gautier, Baudelaire, Banville, Leconte de Lisle, Mendès, Anatole France, Dierx, Armand Silvestre, and others); "Théophile Gautier," Part I (1879, DL, 107-115, containing an interesting passage on the Hellenism of Gautier and his disciples); "Sainte-Beuve" (1879, 1880, DL, 209-254, including reflections on Sainte-Beuve's Hellenism and on the "querelle des anciens et des modernes"); "Adieux" (1881, UC, 319-327, with a definition of what constitutes progress in poetry); and Mes Voyages, Part II, Rome (1894, ed. René Ternois, Fasquelle, 1958, containing several references to Greece and the author's reactions to the Greek sculpture in the Vatican). Finally, in this connection one must not fail to mention the long paper entitled Deux Définitions du roman, which Zola submitted in 1866 to the Congrès Scientifique de France [7]. Part I, "Le Roman dans l'antiquité et dans les premiers temps du christianisme," begins with a description of ancient Athens inspired chiefly, I suspect, by Chauvin's Romanciers grecs et latins [8] and by a passage in Taine's introduction to his Histoire de la littérature anglaise. Then, borrowing heavily from Chauvin (who, in turn, had plagiarized Villemain [9]) Zola traces the early history of novels, summarizing in some detail the plots of two classical works, Heliodorus’s Theagenes and Charicleia and Longus's Daphnis and Chloe. Part II of the essay deals with "Le Roman au XIXe siècle." Likewise paraphrasing Chauvin as well as Taine and Sainte-Beuve, it begins by contrasting Paris and Athens, and then proceeds to define the modern realistic novel, suggesting how it differs from the Greek epic and the Greek romance. Much in these and other writings by Zola would seem to support the conventional view of him as an aggressively modern author who turned his back on the past and encouraged others to do likewise. But it should be noted at the outset that the principal object of his criticism is not the Greeks themselves, but certain forms taken by modem Hellenism. When, for example, he says of Balzac's characters: "Auprès de ces créations géantes et vraies, les héros grecs ou romains grelottent, les héros du moyen âge tombent sur le nez comme des soldats de plomb" (NAT, 24), he is comparing them with personages in classical French tragedies and in Romantic drama on medieval themes, not with the heros of the Iliad or the Song of Roland. His unfavorable judgments on Greek art itself--and they are rare--occur in newspaper articles composed in the heat of battle during his campaigns in support of Impressionism or Naturalism. In one such instance, he refers to "l'art grec, cette idéalisation de la forme, ce cliché pur et correct, cette beauté divine et impersonnelle"--adding, "Je n'aime ni les Egyptiens, ni les Grecs, ni les artistes ascétiques, moi qui n'admets dans l'art que la vie et la personnalité" (MH, 26). But this passage is part of a violent attack on Proudhon in which he is really rejecting Proudhon's conception of Greek art, and not Greek art itself (of which he knows little at the time). The same holds true for the similar remarks made by him in "La Sculpture"; like any good iconoclast, he tries to weaken his enemies by smashing their idols. But if Zola is repelled by the Greece of Proudhon, Gérome, or Offenbach he is attracted by the Greece of Taine. In an article in praise of one of the latter's books, he writes, "Le professeur triomphe lorsqu'il examine les grandes époques et les indique à larges traits: la Grèce divinisant la chair, avec ses villes nues au soleil et ses nations fortes et souples, revit tout entière dans le peuple de ses statues" (MH, 171). Interestingly, it is in this same essay that he makes a heroic attempt to reconcile his definition of art as nature seen through a temperament and his concept (which he got from Proudhon) of Greek art as a collective creation: "Car j'accorde que souvent l'artiste est fait de tous les cœurs d'une époque; cet artiste collectif, qui a des millions de têtes et une seule âme, crée alors ... l'art grec ou l'art gothique; et ... les belles chairs pures et puissantes, les saints blêmes et maigres sont la manifestation des souffrances et des joies de l'individu social" (MH, 173-174). These remarks are, needless to say, highly theoretical. As a result of his readings, Zola develops a few fixed general ideas about Greek art that he repeats with minor variations on every appropriate occasion. Here, too, as in so many other areas of his thought, we find tension, contradiction, ambivalence. But it is interesting to note that when he is actually confronted by classical sculpture, he is filled with admiration. When he visits the Capitoline Museum in Rome in 1894, for instance, the Dying Gaul and some black marble centaurs strike him as "pièces hors ligne." He is most impressed, it is true, by the realistic Roman portrait busts: "Ce sont les hommes du temps qui ressuscitent. Comme ceci vous prend autrement que l'histoire classique qui vous fait exécrer l'antiquité, et comme on comprend, comme on sympathise!" (Mes Voyages, 161). Yet this does not keep him from noting that the best Roman sculptures are copies from the Greek (M, 156). During his visit to the Vatican, he writes in his notebook: Ce qui me frappe, c'est toute cette antiquité retrouvée à la Renaissance, admirée, déifiée par l'art, entourant la papauté. Elle y baigne. Ils ont eu beau mettre des feuilles de vigne aux statues, c'est le triomphe splendide de la chair, l'épanouissement magnifique de la vie, c'est Vénus tout entière, et c'est Pan, et c'est Jupiter tout-puissant. La nudité y clame la toute-puissance de la nature, l'éternelle matière. Et ce pape qui passe tous les deux jours au milieu de ces Vénus, de ces Apollons qui le regardent, de toute cette chair nue. He concludes with words that might have been spoken by a Louis Ménard or a Leconte de Lisle: "Comme nous sommes loin du christianisme pauvre, ignorant, tout âme, méprisant la chair, maudissant la nature complice de l'amour et de la joie. Comme la vie frissonne et s'étale là. Comme il y ferait bon de vivre et d'aimer, sous la caresse du beau ciel" (Mes Voyages, 229-230). In the final analysis, for Zola, it is of course Taine's vision of Greece which wins out, and not Proudhon's [10]. As for Greek literature, here also Zola has very few adverse criticisms, and most of these relate to the Greek romance. In Deux Définitions du roman, he repeats the negative conclusions of Chauvin almost verbatim, but like Chauvin and Villemain before him he makes an exception of Daphnis and Chloe. His other unfavorable observations reflect his positivism and have to do chiefly with the inferiority of mythology to science. Otherwise, he shares the admiration of his contemporaries for the Greek classics. Not long after reading Montaigne, he expresses respect for the wisdom of Epicurus (Cor., 1, 92). He regards Aristotle as a forerunner of modern times (RE, 91), places Aeschylus on the same plane as Shakespeare and Corneille (Atelier, 136), and lauds Aristophanes as one of the "grands farceurs" of literary history, worthy of comparison with Shakespeare, Rabelais, and Molière (T, I, Preface, Les Héritiers Rabourdin, p. iv). Above all, Zola shares in the vast cult of admiration for Homer, to whom he refers again and again--often as a symbol of Greek literature in general. In one of the most extreme of all his naturalist articles he concedes that "la colère d'Achille, l'amour de Didon, resteront des peintures éternellement belles" (RE, 50). But what he admires above all in Homer and Virgil is not so much their style as their creative genius, the humanity and life that he finds in their verses: "Nous ne sentons plus la perfection technique d'Homère et de Virgile; ce qui les fait vivre dans les âges, c'est le souffle vivant dont ils se sont animés, c'est l'humanité qu'ils ont mise en eux. Avant l'arrangeur de mots il y a le créateur" (DL, 77). Unlike some other students of Zola, I do not think that we can dismiss these comments--and the others he makes on these great authors as purely conventional. Indeed, they are the very highest praise that he can bestow on any writer, and whether they imply an original or profound knowledge of Greek literature or not, they cannot be passed over lightly. After all, an artist may be as profoundly influenced by the image he has of another great artist as by the actual reality of that artist. As has been suggested above, Zola's animosity was reserved not for the masters of antiquity, but for certain aspects of modern Hellenism. He never lost a schoolboy's distaste for the classical disciplines qua disciplines. We may see this in the ironic article he wrote for L'Evénement illustré of May 30, 1868, commenting on the "generosity" of the English, who, after driving the Emperor of Ethiopia, Theodorus III, to suicide, planned to make their victory complete by sending his young son to a British boarding school in Bombay to study Greek and Latin: "On a bâillonné le lionceau avec un exemplaire du De Viris, on l'a enfermé dans l'étroite et dure prison des études classiques. C'est généreux et c'est habile" (Atelier, 76). But his most violent attack on the teaching of Latin and Greek is in the article that he wrote that year in defense of Victor Duruy. In it he says, among other things: J'ai contre le grec une haine toute personnelle. Je l'accuse d'une infinité de crimes. Je le rends d'abord responsable de notre manque complet d'originalité. C'est lui qui coule tous les esprits dans le même moule, c'est lui qui nous enferme étroitement dans une antiquité où nos arts étouffent. Nous sommes fils des temps modernes, nous devons vivre dans un âge savant et positif, et nous recevons une éducation de lettrés, mettant leur joie à discuter un accent doux ou rude" (Atelier, Elsewhere, he objects to the pedantry, affectedness, snobbishness, and bookishness of many Hellenizing poets; e.g., Autran (Atelier, 74). He evokes the Academy of the ancien régime, where they loved "ces parlottes où l'on se chamaillait au nom des oracles de l'antiquité. On se jetait alors son grec et son latin à la tête ... Pendant deux siècles, des hommes d'Etat tombés du pouvoir, des poètes bilieux, enragés de vanité, des hommes de bibliothèque, la tête farcie de bouquins, sont venus là se soulager" (RE, 133). He pours even greater scorn on certain classicizing Second Empire salons: "On y lit de petits vers, on s'y pâme aux noms de Rome et d'Athènes, on y affecte une nostalgie de l'antiquité, on s'y attarde dans toutes sortes d'admirations de sous-maîtresse qui a lu ses classiques, comme d'autres ont appris le piano; et, naturellement, on nie la littérature vivante de l'heure actuelle" (RE, 150). Furthermore, there are several reasons that convince Zola of the impossibility of continuing to use the classical genres. In the first place, the great Romantics have exhausted all their possibilities: "Oui, la poésie est morte, en ce sens qu'il vient une heure où une forme s'épuise, où un mode d'être poète s'use et ne peut plus servir. Qui osera, de nos jours, faire des odes après Hugo et Lamartine, qui touchera à l'élégie après Musset" (Atelier, 179). Another reason is that modem times are basically different from the past and, like Baudelaire, he prefers to speak with a contemporary voice: "Pour mon compte, si j'étais poète, voici ce que je ferais. Je dirais adieu aux beaux mensonges des mythologies; j'enterrerais la dernière naïade et la dernière sylphide avec le respect dû à leur grand âge; je dédaignerais les mythes et n'aurais plus d'amour que pour les vérités" (Atelier, 180). He feels that imitations of the past often are incongruous, even ridiculous in a modern setting: Regardez dans nos jardins publics l'étrange effet que font les marbres antiques sous un ciel étranger, au milieu d'une civilisation pour laquelle ils ne sont pas nés. Rien n'est ridicule, selon moi, comme des habits noirs entourant le Discobole ou la Diane à la Biche. Et encore ici l'œuvre à sa grandeur particulière. Mais si vous groupez des bourgeois modernes autour de la statue maigre d'un de nos artistes, imitation plate et prétentieuse de quelque idole grecque, le spectacle devient navrant: cette idéalisation bête de la nature en face des vérités contemporaines paraît un enfantillage, un entêtement grotesque et mesquin" (Salons, 142). Moreover, much classical subject-matter strikes him as basically uninteresting: Eh! bon Dieu! quel intérêt veulent-ils que nous prenions à Jupiter ou à Brahma ... S'ils désirent nous intéresser, nous tirer des larmes et des rires, qu'ils nous parlent de nous, de nos passions, de nos mœurs, qu'ils écrivent les poèmes de la génération présente. En art, tout ce qui n'est pas vivant est mauvais. La vie seule féconde une œuvre, la rend éternelle de vie et d'intérêt. Les poésies du cénacle contemporain sont mortes; elles exhalent des senteurs de momie, elles ont des rigidités de statue" (Atelier, 200). Zola also believes that an excessive concern with the past will distract the poet from his true mission, which has to do with the present and future. "Un peuple viril," he says on the final page of his notes on his trip to Rome, "doit revivre dans son temps et pour son temps" (Mes Voyages, 292), and he often associates the enthusiasm for Greece of many of his contemporaries with a cult of form, chill perfectionism, aesthetic absolutism, escapism, and hatred of the modem age. But, above all, he is opposed to the imitation of the Greeks because he is opposed to imitation per se. Few men have given more thought to the problem of originality in art or prize it more highly. His ideal artist is the creative giant who resumes an entire epoch while molding it in his own image, dominating all his rivals. The major sources of originality are, in his opinion, a unique temperament and the fresh, distinctive forms which the eternal themes and truths of art assume at any particular historical moment. It is significant that when he goes to Rome he is overwhelmed by Michelangelo. For Zola, imitation is the hallmark of the second-rate artist--an "Autran, élève de Virgile qui n'aurait jamais vu une vague ni une motte de terre" (Atelier, 74). As he puts it in the preface to Mes Haines: Les sots qui n'osent regarder en avant regardent en arrière. Ils font le présent des règles du passé, et ils veulent que l'avenir, les œuvres et les hommes, prennent modèle sur les temps écoulés ... Autant de sociétés, autant d'œuvres diverses, et les sociétés se transformeront éternellement. Mais les impuissants ne veulent pas agrandir le cadre; ils ont dressé la liste des œuvres déjà produites, et ont ainsi obtenu une vérité relative dont ils font une vérité absolue. Ne créez pas, imitez. Zola accuses the Parnassians of just this kind of weakness: La large expansion de la science, le souffle d'analyse exacte qui a fécondé la littérature, passe sur leurs têtes avec des bruits d'ouragan. Et ils se coulent, pris de terreur, se disant que cette tempête doit briser les anciennes idoles et que le grand Pan va mourir ... Ah! s'il y avait, parmi ces messieurs, un homme intelligent et fort, nous entendrions vite d'autres accents. . . Cet homme jetterait au feu toute la défroque grecque et barbare (Atelier, 200-201). He formulates similar criticisms in a number of his comments about contemporary neo-classic painters and sculptors, and it is hardly surprising that in an 1880 article on Sainte-Beuve he vigorously identifies himself with the Moderns in the famous Quarrel, which he does his best to revive"cette querelle, que le romantisme a soulevée de nouveau en 1830, et que nous soulevons, nous aussi, avec le naturalisme" (DL, 238). Nevertheless, we would be gravely mistaken if we were to infer from this that Zola ever seriously contemplated making a complete break with the Greek tradition. Although, as we have just seen, he had nothing but contempt for the pedantry, servile imitation, and flight from the present which was too often associated with the cult of Greece, he was by no means impervious to the charms of certain kinds of modern Hellenism. This was particularly true when he was confronted by some artist of genius. We may, if we wish, explain away his approval of Cézanne's boyish poem on Hercules (Cor., I, 147) as a concession to friendship. His admiration for the Hellenism of Chénier was more serious and dated back to 1860. "Son vers est si gracieux," he writes Baille, "que je lui passe toutes les allusions possibles, même celles que je ne comprends pas, moi l'ignorant, moi qui n'ai entendu parler de Virgile que par ouï-dire." And he adds, "Chénier est le dernier homme de talent qui ait parlé sur ce ton, et encore, si je puis m'exprimer ainsi, ce n'est pas l'antiquité qui l'a servi, c'est lui qui a servi l'antiquité" (Cor., I, 95). In 1865, reviewing Hugo's Les Chansons des rues et des bois, he comments, "Je suis heureux que Victor Hugo se soit décidé à se faire berger, et pour rien au monde je ne voudrais que le livre fût autre" (MH, 85). Later on in his life, after his philosophy of art has matured and taken more definite shape, he is still capable of such reactions. At a performance of Banville's Deidamia in November, 1876, the year he finished L'Assommoir, he does his best to object to the unrealistic setting in the name of naturalism, but he is utterly delighted by the poet's fantasy: Il est si haut dans son ciel bleu, dans sa sérénité d'Olympien, que je me ferais un crime de vouloir le ramener à la prose. Non! lorsqu'un écrivain vit les yeux sur les étoiles, en pleine extase du rêve, il ne faut point l'éveiller, il devient sacré, même pour les révolutionnaires qui cassent à coups de marteau les vieilles idoles ... Je pouvais croire que j'étais endormi, que ma fantaisie elle-même vagabondait dans mes souvenirs classiques ... Oui, vraiment, c'était l'Olympe qui ressuscitait, non pas l'Olympe dont on grelotte au collège, mais un Olympe tout ensoleillé, doré d'un reflet romantique, amusant comme une montagne ciselée par un orfèvre moderne. Il faut entendre la danse ivre des hémistiches, les césures imprévues faisant sauter les vers comme des chèvres au flanc d'un coteau grec (NAD, 298). At the Exposition Universelle of 1878 he is troubled, irritated, almost seduced by Gustave Moreau's Le Sphinx deviné. He returns to it despite himself, and finally concludes: "Voici mon pronostic. Il servira à l'honneur de Gustave Moreau" (Salons, 219). It should also be pointed out that Zola's own philosophy of literary art grows to a considerable extent out of his meditations on Greek literature or on the poets, dramatists, and novelists who had been influenced by Greece. He even goes so far as to habitually define the modern realistic novel by contrasting it with the Greek epic or the Greek romance. His two important early essays, Du Progrès dans les sciences et dans la poésie and Deux Définitions du roman are obvious examples of the spirit of these meditations. But the same tendency may be observed in many other places in his writings, including "Le Roman expérimental" itself, which ends with a paragraph contrasting the methods of the experimental novelist with those of Virgil and Homer. Over and over again Zola links the ancients and the moderns together by contrast and analogy. In making such distinctions, he equates contemporary artists, novelists, statesmen, and institutions with their Greek or Roman counterparts. For example, in a major article on Balzac written in July, 1877, he refers to "César Birotteau, qui est aussi grand dans sa boutique de parfumeur que les héros d'Homère devant Troie" (RN, 52). And he says with respect to Flaubert: "C'est un Titan, plein d'haleines énormes, qui raconte les mœurs d'une fourmilière, en faisant des efforts pour ne pas céder à l'envie de souffler des chants héroïques dans sa grande trompette de bronze. Un poète changé en naturaliste, Homère devenu Cuvier" (Atelier, 206-207). There is much more here, we may be sure, than a simple comparison; it is the recognition of a definite evolution leading from the Greek epic via the Greek and Roman romance to the modern novel. One genre does not replace the other. It is the other in a new form. Or, as Zola says in Deux Definitions du roman, "L'épopée, lorsque le génie de la Grèce a décliné, est devenue le conte; le conte, sous les tendances scientifiques des temps modernes, s'est transformé de nouveau et s'est changé en roman d'observation et d'analyse. La filiation est évidente" [11]. Despite the enormous emphasis Zola places on originality, he never forgets that he is working within an ancient tradition deeply rooted in the classical imagination. "On parle d'Alexandre, de César, "he says in an essay on war written in 1899, "mais tout ce qu'ils avaient créé, tout leur empire, tout cela a été emporté, ce ne sont plus que des ruines, que des sables que le vent soulève et emporte, tandis que les œuvres d'Homère, les œuvres de Virgile, tous les monuments de la civilisation demeurent et sont encore nos richesses. Nous en sommes les enfants, nous ne vivons que sur ce passé, que sur ces ancêtres de la pensée humaine" (M, 178). This helps to explain still another tendency in Zola's thought which would seem to run counter to some of his most publicized theories but which is not really as contradictory as it might at first appear if a distinction is made between imitation and emulation, and between servile imitation and inspired imitation. For the better we know him, the more apparent it becomes that Zola is intrigued all his life by the idea of equaling or surpassing the great masters of antiquity. And if, in order to do so, it is necessary to borrow from the same fund of ideas, themes, images, and plots from which they borrowed--or model himself on their works--he is, whatever he may tell the public, quite as willing to do so as any other great European writer before him. This is already apparent in his early correspondence, as for example in the letter to Baille dated July 18, 1861, in which he says, "Je veux dérober aux grands poètes, les raisons de leur grandeur, et dans l'idée et dans la forme, pour établir des règles qui puissent faire naître des grands poètes." His ideal poet, he tells his friend, would be "en quelque sorte tous les grands poètes du passé, comparés et fondus en un seul, autant qu'ils le permettraient." In the same passage, he leaves no doubt that Homer (and by extension Greek literature in general) would be included in their number--Homer "qui vivait dans les premiers siècles et qui cependant, au dire de tous, est le plus grand des poètes" (Cor., I, 208-211). Nor must we overlook, in this connection, his comments on Victor de Laprade's Psyche in a letter to Baille written two or three months earlier. On the whole, he says, he finds Laprade's work boring. Nevertheless he admires Laprade, approves of his dream of a new Golden Age, and is far from viewing with disfavor his using the Greek fable of Psyche. Obviously Zola is more susceptible to the influence of Greece than most critics have supposed. However, it is only by turning to his creative works and projects that we can gauge the full extent of his Hellenism. For in them will we find not only attitudes very similar to those that have been discussed above with respect to his nonfictional writings, but we shall also see that his debt to the Greek tradition is far greater than anything we have said up to now would suggest. We know, for example, that in addition to a tragedy in three acts to be entitled Annibal à Capoue during his early years in Paris he considered writing Les Héroïsmes, a series of nouvelles based on the lives of the great heroes of humanity which would have included fictionalized studies of Archimedes and Socrates. He also was intrigued by the idea of writing a modem Andromache, based on Racine and Euripides, but set in a working-class or peasant milieu [12]. There is no record of when the idea first occurred to him, but we know that he actually did study Euripides’ Andromache, probably with this end in mind, sometime before November 27, 1876. The article on Banville which he published on that date contains an excerpt from a dialogue between Andromache and Menelaus. In the accompanying commentary, among other things Zola expresses his belief that the closest modern equivalents to the heroes of the Greek epic are peasants and workers: Mais supposons qu'un écrivain, aujourd'hui, veuille remettre le sujet d'Andromaque au théâtre et le place dans le monde moderne. Eh bien! s'il veut garder la scène, il ne pourra pas la mettre dans les classes supérieures, où les passions n'ont plus cette franchise; tandis que, s'il la met dans le peuple, il lui sera permis de tout conserver ... Whether or not Zola ever went so far as to plan, or even begin writing, this work is perhaps not very important. It is enormously significant, however, that he expressed these ideas just at the time that he was completing L'Assommoir and before he wrote Germinal and La Terre. If nothing else, it indicates the extent to which he believed himself to be working within the Greek epic tradition when he composed his greatest masterpieces. If we turn to those works that he completed or was at least able to begin, we may be impressed, first of all, by the overt, intense Hellenism of some of his early verse. Part III of L'Aérienne makes a passionate comparison of Provence with Italy and ancient Greece O Provence, des pleurs s'échappent de mes yeux, The evocation of gods, nymphs, and satyrs, quiet, shady woods, boulders, fields, and flowers in this poem is as Greek in spirit as anything by Banville or Leconte de Lisle. The first eight verses of La Genèse--the only ones Zola managed to compose for this projected epic-may recall in certain respects part of Chant I of Chénier's Hermès, but there is an even closer resemblance to the section in Book One of De Rerum Natura in which Lucretius informs Memmius of his poetic ambitions (beginning with the verse "Nam tibi de summa caeli ratione deumque"). Zola the short-story teller is also deeply rooted in the Greco-Roman tradition. A good example is in the first pages of the Contes à Ninon where he depicts Ninon, that marvelous creature, part incarnation of Provence, part projection of his youthful erotic fantasies, in the form of Hermaphroditus: "Ainsi tu réalisais le rêve de l'ancienne Grèce, l'amante faite homme, aux exquises élégances de forme, à l'esprit viril, digne de science et de sagesse" (CAN, 55). "Simplice," the first piece in the volume, is an adaptation--or possibly an unconscious recreation--of the myths of Pyramus and Thisbe or Hero and Leander [13], both of which were popular with the public of Zola's time. "Les Aventures du grand Sidoine et du petit Médéric," one of Zola's longest tales, contains a glowing summary of the history of ancient Greece and a bit of dialogue expressing the same distaste for Greek as an academic discipline that we have already encountered in Zola's journalistic writings. It also includes a curious chapter--"L'Aimable Primavère, Reine du Royaume des Heureux"--which would seem to suggest at least a superficial acquaintance with Ovid's descriptions of the Golden and Silver Ages and his presentation of the philosophy of Pythagoras. One of the best shorter pieces in the Nouveaux contes à Ninon is "Le Forgeron" with its epical descriptions of a blacksmith, a powerful figure which Zola compares to a Michelangelo sculpture and transforms into a gigantic symbol of modern labor. One of the descriptions includes a sentence ("Je trouvais, à le regarder, la ligne sculpturale moderne, que nos artistes cherchent péniblement dans les chairs mortes de la Grèce") which is reminiscent of the Zola of the Salons. Another piece, "Souvenirs, III," ridicules popular Second-Empire Hellenism by contrasting the bathers in the bathing establishments on the Seine with the ancient Greeks. It contains a highly amusing evocation of a fat man: J'ai vu, pendant toute une saison, aux bains du Pont-Royal, un gros homme, rond comme une tonne, rouge comme une tomate mûre, qui jouait les Alcibiades. Il avait étudié les plis de son peignoir devant quelque tableau de David. Il était à l'Agora; il fumait avec des gestes antiques. Quand il daignait se jeter dans la Seine, c'était Léandre traversant l'Hellespont pour rejoindre Héro. Le pauvre homme! Je me souviens encore de son torse court où l'eau mettait des plaques violettes. O laideur humaine! (CAN, 389) "Les Quatre journées de Jean Gourdon," the last story in the Nouveaux Contes à Ninon, reads like an illustration of Ovid's account of the four seasons of human life in Book XV of the Métamorphoses. (Madeleine Ferat [1868], the last of Zola's pre-Rougon-Macquart novels, should also be mentioned in passing here because it contains an obvious and quite deliberate use of the myth of Pyramus and Thisbe from Ovid, which is introduced at a climatic moment through the device of a series of eight popular prints based on the story that decorate a hotel-room setting). La Fortune des Rougon, the first Rougon-Macquart novel, presents the origins of the family and the historical events at Plassans resulting from the coup d'état of December, 1851, in a dramatic framework that is reminiscent of more than one Greek romance. I am referring, of course, to the youthful love and tragic death of Silvère and Miette. Zola is himself aware of these analogies, which are certainly quite deliberate, and twice draws the reader's attention to them: "Les jeunes gens, jusqu'à cette nuit de trouble, avaient vécu une de ces naïves idylles qui naissent au milieu de la classe ouvrière, parmi ces déshérités, ces simples d'esprit chez lesquels on retrouve encore parfois les amours primitives des anciens contes grecs" (188); "Leur idylle traversa les pluies glacées de décembre et les brûlantes sollicitations de juillet, sans glisser à la honte des amours communes; elle garda son charme exquis de conte grec, son ardente pureté, tous ses balbutiements naïfs de la chair qui désire et qui ignore" (228). Zola undoubtedly had this novel as well as others in mind when he remarked to the Félibres in 1892, "J'ai bien, pour ma part, cinq ou six idylles sur la conscience et toujours la même, Daphnis et Chloé, Paul et Virginie, Estelle et Némorin" (M, 278). Moreover there is also a parallel here with the myth of Pyramus and Thisbe as well as other mythological reminiscences. Miette is compared to "la Bacchante antique" (25), Sicardot to Hercules (91). The jealous one-eyes man who kills Silvère is a kind of Polyphemus. Zola's epic imagination sometimes invades and merges with his lyricism. Evocations of the Greek love idyl mingle with more epical mythological allusions. The Provençal setting is transformed very early in the book into a gigantic amphitheatre across which the band of insurrectionists "reprit sa marche héroïque. "The whole scene is invested with a certain classical quality: "La lune faisait de chaque rocher un fût de colonne tronqué, un chapiteau écroulé, une muraille trouée de mystérieux portiques. En haut, la masse des Garrigues dormait, à peine blanchie d'une teinte laiteuse, pareille à une immense cité cyclopéenne" (180). There is here an obvious attempt to evoke something of the sacred horror of a classical tragedy, to create a mood of cosmic catastrophe. (Of course, this is not the only time Zola employs the adjective "cyclopéenne". It seems to be one of his favorite words, and recurs from time to time throughout his works.) La Curée, the second novel in the Rougon-Macquart series, may well have grown out of Zola's desire to succeed where his friend Pagès du Tarn--the author of a notoriously unsuccessful Nouvelle Phèdre--had failed. In any case, Zola wrote in his ébauche, "Décidement, c'est une nouvelle Phèdre que je vais faire," and he included a synopsis of Racine's play in his preparatory notes [14]. Although numerous other French authors have treated the theme of Hippolytus and Phaedra, it is undoubtedly more than a mere coincidence that Zola's friend Ludovico Marguéry also did so, in Le Fils de Thésée, a one-act opera-bouffe produced at the Théâtre d'Aix in February, 1864 [15]. In La Curée, a second myth--Narcissus and Echo (which is also recounted by Ovid)--is introduced and ingeniously interwoven with the myth of Phaedra. In each case Zola employs the theatrical device of a play within a play. Renée, Zola's Phaedra, is shown attending a performance (in Italian!) of Racine's Phèdre. At a costume ball that takes place towards the end of the novel, Renée poses as Echo and Maxime, her stepson, poses as Narcissus, in a succession of tableaux vivants entitled Les Amours de Narcisse et de la nymphe Echo. Much of the interest of the novel is to be found in the way Zola combines these two classical themes and creates contrasts and analogies with the original myths in the dramatic action, character development, and setting. In the process, he expresses both his strong aversion for the Second-Empire cult of Greece in its sillier and more vulgar forms and his own profound fascination with the classical mythology. Winifred Newton, in a valuable study, compares Zola's development of the Phaedra theme with Racine's but does not suggest the full extent to which the traditional myth is reflected in the novel [16]. Zola's technique in some respects anticipates James Joyce's Ulysses. Everywhere we look we find curious analogies; e.g., between Renée's father, a retired presiding judge, and Phaedra's father, Minos, one of the judges in Hades. When Renée's husband, Saccard, visits the old gentleman's house on the Ile Saint-Louis there is a shadowy parallel with the descent of Theseus into the Underworld: "Saccard, que rien jusque-là n'avait décontenancé, fut glacé par la froideur et le demi-jour de l'appartement, par la sévérité triste de ce grand vieillard, dont l'œil perçant lui sembla fouiller sa conscience jusqu'au fond" (79). The extensive sun imagery in the novel is also undoubtedly inspired by the myth of Phaedra, whereas the mirror and water imagery is almost certainly suggested by the story of Echo and Narcissus. (In the first chapter, for example, the lake in the Bois is described as "ce miroir clair.") We are reminded in some ways, of the art of the fugue. The modern and the ancient stories, the realism and the myth, tend to reinforce each other, to create a constant relief. The old myths end up by with a certain enhanced beauty and nobility. The sordid, decadent Second-Empire society that Zola is portraying is seen in all its ugliness. It is, all in all, much the same technique that Zola tried out in "Souvenirs, III." A number of the other Rougon-Macquart novels possess many of the same qualities, and there is hardly one that does not contain at least some indication of Zola's debt to the classical tradition. In Le Ventre de Paris, for example, he set out-as he wrote in his preliminary notes-to transform himself into a "Théocrite aux Halles" [17]. The scheming, dominating Abbé Faujas with whom Marthe falls desperately in love, in La Conquête de Plassans, bears the given name of Ovid. La Faute de I'abbé Mouret and Son Excellence Eugène Rougon are, to a greater or lesser degree, adaptations of Biblical stories (Adam and Eve, Samson and Delilah) [18]. However, it is in L'Assommoir that the filiation with the Greek epic once again becomes clearly evident. I am thinking not only of the comparison that Zola makes, for example, between Goujet, the smith (a descendent of the smith that we have already encountered in Le Forgeron) and Hercules [19]. or of the way Zola's mythopoeic imagination transforms inanimate objects into terrifying monsters, but of the filiation which we know existed in Zola's mind between his proletarians and the heroes and heroines of the Homeric epic. The next Rougon-Macquart novel, Une Page d'amour (1878), poetically transforms the city of Paris into a kind of Greek chorus: "Eh bien! dès ma vingtième année, j'avais rêvé d'écrire un roman dont Paris, avec l'océan de ses toitures, serait un personnage, quelque chose comme le chœur antique," he says in a Lettre-Préface. "Il me fallait un drame intime, trois ou quatre créatures dans une petite chambre, puis l'immense ville à l'horizon, toujours présente, regardant avec ses yeux de pierre rire et pleurer ces créatures. C'est cette vieille idée que j'ai tenté de réaliser dans Une Page d'amour" (ed. Pléiade, 1605). In Nana, the myth of Mars and Venus plays much the same complex and central role that the romance of Daphnis and Chloe and the story of Pyramus and Thisbe do in La Fortune des Rougon, or the myths of Phaedra and of Echo and Narcissus do in La Curée [20]. Octave Mouret, the hero of Au Bonheur des Dames, is quite as much as Shaw's Dr. Higgins a modern incarnation of Pygmalion [21]. However, in my opinion it is in Germinal, Zola's masterpiece, that he most brilliantly achieves his desire to be utterly of his own historical moment while at the same time exploiting to the greatest possible degree the poetic legacy of the classical past. The dramatic subject of the book--a major industrial strike--is at once intensely new and extremely old, for it is nothing other than a recent historical form of the ancient epic theme of war. The mines (particularly as Zola describes them) suggest numerous parallels with the classical Underworld as well as with the Christian hell. The book is haunted throughout by myth, especially the myths of the creation, the wars of the gods, and the flood. There are more or less veiled allusions to Tartarus, the Furies, Ceres, and the Golden Age, among other classical references. As for Zola's other novels, mention should be made of L'Œuvre (in which all the criticisms of the Salons are repeated), and of La Terre, with its profoundly pagan Nature poetry, its vision of Mother Earth, of the great cycles of history and of individual human lives. Nor, finally, should one forget La Bête humaine, of which Banville wrote: Je suis encore tout brûlant de l'admiration que m'a inspirée La Bête humaine. Oui, cette effrayante épopée, au-dessus de laquelle planent les Fatalités cruelles comme les Dieux, m'a fait songer à ce qu'il y a de plus grand dans le passé. Mais il n'y a ni passé ni présent; il y a une nuit sombre, où passent ça et là les étincelles d'une torche que secoue le génie. Portez-la longtemps, vous qui êtes jeune! Moi, je vous acclame au passage [22]. It would be appropriate to conclude with mention of one of Zola's dramatic works that no student of his Hellenism can ignore. Violaine la Chevelue is a "Féerie lyrique" in five acts and nine tableaux, apparently composed shortly before his death in 1902 and dedicated to his children [23]. Here, once again, we find the youthful poet of L'Aérienne and the earliest Contes à Ninon, and the admirer of Banville and Chénier. One of the characters is named Léandre, and a member of the ballet troupe is called Lycidas. The four elements are represented by fairies with the classical names of Floriane, Nerée, Célie, and Luce. There are also numerous bergères, sylvains, and faunes, a choir, Coryphée, and even an orgy. And in the concluding speech by the chorus of Le Peuple there is a touching evocation of the Golden Age of the classical past which suggests the deep emotional appeal that ancient Greece still had for Zola, the "scientific" literary explorer of our rather seamy modern world: "Le Peuple--Miracle, miracle! L'âge d'or est revenu. Plus de chômage, tous au travail! Et que la terre enfin fleurisse, dans la joie et dans la fraternité!" Thus it is clear that Zola's roots extend much more deeply into the Greek tradition than most critics have heretofore suspected. His art grows out of the Hellenism--as well as the modernism--of his times. The young lovers of Theocritus and Longus, the gods and heroes of Euripides and Homer survive in his imagination. The Greek idyl, the Greek tragedy, and the Greek epic, are only half disguised under their modern trappings. Like so many writers before and after him, Zola had a vision of Greece as the ideal representation of the great destiny to which men had been called--at least once in their long history on this earth. Something of the eternal Greek spirit and even--as Banville intimated--something of the Greek genius live on in his work. The Persistent Voice: Essays on Hellenism in French Literature Since the 18th Century in Honor of Professor Henri M. Peyre,” ed. Walter G. Langlois, New York University Press (1971), 61-77. ____________________________ [1] "Souvenirs, II," Contes à Ninon, ed. Maurice Le Blond (Paris: Bernouard, 1927), p. 383. Subsequent references to Zola's works will be to the various volumes in the Bernouard edition (1927-1929), unless otherwise noted and wherever possible the references will be given in the text. The following abbreviations will be used: CAN (Contes à Ninon); T (Théâtre); Cor. (Correspondance); MH (Mes Haines); RE (Romanciers naturalists); DL (Documents littéraires); NAT (Naturalisme au theater); NAD (Nos Auteurs dramatiques); UC (Une Campagne); and M (Mélanges. Return. [2] Paul Cézanne, Correspondance, ed. John Rewald (Paris: Grasset, 1937). Return. [3] See Zola's essay on Flaubert, in Les Romanciers naturalists, passim. Return. [4] See Guy Robert, "Trois textes inédits d'Emile Zola," Revue des sciences humaines, fasc. 51 (1948), 181-207. Robert indicates Zola's debt to Chauvin on p. 192. Readers of this essay may also be interested in Professor Robert's "Zola et le classicisme" in the same review, fasc. 49 (1948), 124, and fasc. 50 (1950), 126-153. However this long and illuminating study has to do almost entirely with Zola and French classicism. Professor Robert's conclusions with respect to Zola's knowledge of and interest in the Greeks and Romans are largely negative and, in my opinion, somewhat misleading. I find Robert's assertion that Zola's classical education “paraît l'avoir peu marqué" debatable. Return. [5] The earliest version has been reproduced by Robert in "Trois textes inédits d'Emile Zola." Return. [6] L'Atelier de Zola. Textes de journaux, 1865-1870, ed. Martin Kanes (Genève: Droz, 1963). Subsequent references to this collection will be given in the text. Return. [7] A complete version is included in Robert's "Trois textes inédits d'Emile Zola.” Return. [8] I have in mind the passage beginning: "Pareillement, quand nous lisons une tragédie grecque, notre premier soin doit être de nous figurer des Grecs, c'est-à-dire des hommes qui vivent à demi-nus, dans des gymnases ou sur des places publiques, sous un ciel éclatant, en face des plus fins et des plus nobles paysages, occupés à se faire un corps agile et fort, à converser, à discuter, à voter." Return. [9] Études de littérature ancienne et étrangère (Paris: Didier, 1846). Return. [10] It is interesting that the Catalogue des objets d'art et d'ameublement ... printed at the time Zola's effects were sold at the Hôtel Drouot in 1903, the year following his death, mentions numerous classical sculptures as well as several 18th century bronzes on classical themes (Jupiter, Pan, Hercules, etc.). Return. [11] "Trois textes inédits d'Emile Zola," p. 204. Return. [12] For information on the incompleted projects just mentioned, see Denise Le Blond-Zola's Emile Zola, raconté par sa fille (Paris: Fasquelle, 1931), pp. 23, 31-32, 185. The ébauche, together with the synopses of Racine's Andromaque and Euripides’ Andromache, is now in the possession of Zola's grandson, Jean-Claude Le Blond-Zola. Return. [13] Cf. F. W. J. Hemmings, Emile Zola (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), p. 15, and Rodolphe Walter's article, “Pyrame et Thisbé à l'Hôtel du Grand-Cerf," Nouvelles de l'estampe, No. 9 (Nov. 1963), 238-241. Return. [14] Bibliothèque nationale, US Nouv. acq.fr. 10282, fols. 298, 374. Return. [15] Winifred Newton, Le Thème de Phèdre et d'Hippolyte dans la littérature française (Geneva: Droz, 1939), p. 131. Return. [16] Le Thème de Phèdre et d'Hippolyte, pp. 68,132-134,137-138; cf. also Lawson A. Carter, Zola and the Theater (Yale Univ. Press, 1963), pp. 50-51, and Hemmings, Emile Zola, pp. 91-97. Return. [17] BN, MS. Nouv. acq.fr. 10338, fol. 71: "Il me faut l'idylle parisienne, très pimentée... Je mettrai, en un mot, Théocrite aux Halles." See also foll. 34, 35, where the phrase "Théocrite aux Halles" is repeated. Return. [18] Yet Mouret's sister, Desirée, is compared with Cybèle, a precious indication of the symbolic value of this character. Sec Roger Ripoll, "Le Symbolisme végétal dans la Faute de l'abbé Mouret," Les Cahiers naturalists, No. 31 (1966),18. In the same novel there is a reminiscence of the war of the gods, in Zola's description of oaks as "arbres titans, foudroyés, renversés dans des poses de lutteurs invaincus" (Livre Deuxième, ch. xi). Return. [19] It has been suggested that Goujet may be modeled on a statue that Zola had perhaps seen during visits to the Louvre with Cézanne--the Hercule Gaulois: " ... il semblait un colosse au repos ... des épaules et des bras sculptés qui paraissaient copiés sur ceux d'un géant, dans un musée " (Bernouard ed., pp. 171-175). Both Goujet and the central character in "Le Forgeron" may, furthermore, reflect the influence of Michelet's Bible de l'Humanité (1864), which Zola must have read not long before he became acquainted with the smith at Gloton on whom these two characters are probably based. In this work Michelet presents Hercules and two Persian heroes, both of them smiths, as archetypal symbols of Labor: "Chose étrange et qui stupéfie! La Grèce a un bon sens si fort, une raison si merveilleusement raisonnable que--contre ses préjugés même, le mépris des labeurs qu'elle nomme serviles--son grand héros divinisé, c'est justement le Travailleur" (La Bible de l'Humanité, III, iv). Return. [20] See Frances Leonard's illuminating essay, "Nana: Symbol and Action," Modern Fiction Studies, IX (1963), 149-158. Return. [21] BN, MS. Nouv. acq. fr. 10278, fol. 350 bears the cryptic notation: "Lutte avec Pygmalion" (included in a list of what appear to be research topics and themes that Zola intends to develop in this novel). Return. [22] Eileen Souffrin, "Banville et Zola (avec des lettres inédites), " Les Cahiers naturalists, Nos. 24-25 (1963), 56. Return. [23] The text is reproduced in the Bernouard edition of Zola's theater. Return. ![]() Zola et la lutte avec l'Ange Parmi les nombreuses images que l'on rencontre chez Zola, il en est une qui mérite une attention toute particulière, non seulement parce qu'elle apparaît plus d'une fois, mais parce qu'elle éclaire d'un jour nouveau l'idéal héroïque de Zola, son activité créatrice et l'ensemble du drame spirituel qui se déroule au cœur de son existence. Je veux parler de l'emploi métaphorique de la lutte de Jacob avec l'Ange, telle qu'elle nous est relatée dans les versets suivants de la Genèse (32.24-31) : 24. Il demeura seul en ce lieu-là. Et il parut en même temps un homme qui lutta contre lui jusqu'au matin. 25. Cet homme, voyant qu'il ne pouvait le surmonter, lui toucha le nerf de la cuisse, qui se sécha aussitôt. 26. Et il lui dit: Laissez-moi aller; car l'aurore commence déjà à paraître. Jacob lui répondit: Je ne vous laisserai point aller que vous ne m'ayez béni. 27. Cet homme lui demanda: Comment vous appelez-vous? Il lui répondit: Je m'appelle Jacob. 28. Et le même ajouta: On ne vous nommera plus à l'avenir Jacob, mais Israël: car, si vous avez été fort contre Dieu, combien le serez-vous davantage contre les hommes? 29. Jacob lui fit ensuite cette demande: Dites-moi, je vous prie, comment vous vous appelez? Il lui répondit: Pourquoi me demandez-vous mon nom? Et il le bénit en ce même lieu. 30. Jacob donna le nom de Phanuel à ce lieu-là, en disant: J'ai vu Dieu face à face et mon âme a été sauvée. 31. Aussitôt qu'il eut passé ce lieu qu'il venait de nommer Phanuel, il vit le soleil qui se levait; mais il se trouva boiteux d'une jambe. Il est difficile d'établir avec certitude ce qui attira l'attention de Zola sur ce mystérieux récit ou ce qui en détermina l'emploi symbolique. Eut-il l'occasion de lire certains commentaires ecclésiastiques? Fut-il frappé par telle ou telle évocation littéraire, celle de Hugo dans Les Mages par exemple? Gluck et Beethoven sont à l'aise Puisa-t-il l'idée de ce thème dans les arts graphiques, dans la célèbre toile de Rembrandt, dans la gravure de la Bible illustrée par Gustave Doré [1], ou, ce qui est plus probable à mon avis, dans la fresque de Delacroix à Saint-Sulpice? On aurait peine à croire que Zola n'ait pas été profondément touché par ce chef-d'œuvre, confession d'un peintre pour lequel il éprouvait une grande admiration et que deux de ses amis, Cézanne et Manet, regardaient comme leur prédécesseur [2]. Quoi qu'il en soit, c'est en 1865, trois ans à peine après que la fresque de Delacroix a été révélée au public, que Zola fait pour la première fois allusion à la lutte de Jacob, dans un essai écrit pour Le Salut public à propos de l'ouvrage de Prévost-Paradol, Les Moralistes français [3]. Il utilisera de nouveau ce récit vingt ans plus tard, dans L'Œuvre. Dans l'essai comme dans le roman, nous avons affaire à une image centrale. En ce qui concerne L'Œuvre, nous savons que l'image était présente à l'esprit de Zola dès les premières étapes du développement de l'intrigue. L'expression « la lutte contre l'Ange », utilisée pour résumer le roman, apparaît en effet dans la première phrase de l'Ebauche [4]. La même expression figure parmi les premiers titres envisagés par Zola pour ce roman [5]. Il est donc clair que nous pouvons tout aussi bien voir dans L'Œuvre une variation sur le récit biblique de Jacob et de l'Ange que dans La Curée la reprise du mythe de Phèdre, ou dans La Faute de l'abbé Mouret celle de l'histoire d'Adam et Eve [6]. Mais ce qui donne à l'histoire de Jacob et l'Ange une importance littéraire toute particulière, c'est que Zola lui-même la considérait comme le symbole de sa propre vie. La preuve en est que, dans le premier paragraphe de l'Ébauche de L'Œuvre, l'expression « la lutte contre l'Ange », dans la phrase que je viens de mentionner, est aussitôt suivie d'une phrase débutant par: « En un mot, j'y raconterai ma vie intime... » II est indiscutable que Zola pensait avant tout à la signification qu'il donnerait au récit dans ce roman, mais il est également possible qu'il ait pensé à son essai sur Les Moralistes français. Dans cet essai, en effet, il utilise le combat de Jacob comme symbole du combat éternel de l'homme contre Dieu, contre la vérité, contre la nature, contre la destinée, contre l'inconnu. Plus précisément, il l'emploie comme métaphore pour exprimer les luttes intellectuelles des grands moralistes et philosophes français, et en particulier celles de Pascal. D'une certaine façon, nous songeons à la fresque de Delacroix [7]. Delacroix comme Zola donne à l'épisode biblique un sens postchrétien de caractère essentiellement romantique. Tous deux également insistent avant tout sur le contraste entre la force humaine supérieure de Jacob et le pouvoir divin de son adversaire. Delacroix nous montre simultanément la force de Jacob et sa défaite. La main de l'Ange touche la cuisse de Jacob. Mais en même temps l'Ange paraît, sinon reculer, du moins perdre tant soit peu l'équilibre sous la force de l'attaque de Jacob [8]. De même, Zola insiste sur l'échec de ses Jacob modernes -- ses Montaigne et ses Pascal - dans leur effort pour découvrir la vérité. Mais il insiste aussi sur le caractère héroïque de l'exemple qu'ils nous offrent, sur la gloire de leur défaite -- « défaite de Jacob terrassé par l'Ange », dit-il [9]. A propos de Pascal, il précise: « Je ne connais pas de figure plus haute ni plus douloureuse [...]. Le moraliste joue le rôle glorieux dont j'ai parlé, de l'homme en lulle avec Dieu [10]. » Remarquons que Zola -- et ici peut-être s'arrête la comparaison avec Delacroix -- révèle son optimisme personnel par la liberté qu'il prend avec la métaphore. La possibilité qu'un jour ses Jacob triomphent à leur tour n'est pas exclue. La lutte de Jacob se transforme pour Zola en symbole d'une angoisse étrangement moderne, l'angoisse métaphysique de ceux qui ont perdu la foi. Ses Jacob, comme un si grand nombre de ses contemporains aux prises avec une interrogation spirituelle, sont poussés autant par leur désir d'échapper au malaise du doute, à la menace du nihilisme, à la conscience de leur profonde ignorance que par leur désir de prouver leur supériorité et d'atteindre à la connaissance angélique. Zola associe l'image biblique de Jacob avec la métaphore presque nietzschéenne d'un homo ludens tragique, jouant sa vie contre le néant, contre la mort, luttant pour surpasser l'humanité qui l'a précédé, mais, avant tout, nous aidant à mesurer les limites de la force et du courage de l'homme. « La lecture des Moralistes français, dit-il, a produit en moi celle sorte de malaise que l'on éprouve à la vue d'un danseur de corde qui chancelle à chaque pas. » Le spectacle le bouleverse, il comprend que la foule ait tendance à voir en cet homme un insensé et un imprudent, mais il éprouve en même temps la sympathie et le respect que la chute de cet homme inspire. « On se sent, comme lui, dit-il, la folie de la mort; on reste là, sur le bord du gouffre, demi-penché, regardant avec un frémissement sauvage les derniers bouillonnements de l'eau. » Chez ces hommes exceptionnels, ces moralistes, ces Jacob, ces acrobates, l'humanité « semble se révolter contre son ignorance. Et, alors que sur leur visage se lit la même histoire de doute et de souffrance. » Zola confesse qu'il est tenté de tomber à genoux, « les mains jointes, et de demander pardon en sanglotant [11] ». La parenté est claire entre le Jacob de Zola -- sans parler de celui de Delacroix -- et ces glorieux vaincus qui hantèrent l'imagination romantique: Prométhée, Faust, le Satan de Milton, le Christ de Vigny, le Caïn de Byron. Il est impossible de ne pas mettre Zola lui-même au nombre de ces moralistes et philosophes héroïques qu'il compare à Jacob. L'image biblique, superposée à celle du danseur de corde, s'applique à lui au moins autant qu'à Pascal et peut-être même mieux qu'à Montaigne, à La Rochefoucauld ou à La Bruyère. Sa vie tout entière ne fut qu'une lutte incessante, pénible, pour passer du doute à la certitude, de l'ignorance à une vision rédemptrice de la vérité. Il voulait, dit-il, « tout savoir, tout pouvoir, tout conquérir ! Refaire par la vérité une humanité plus haute et plus heureuse [12] »! Il était éperonné par son anxiété métaphysique. Personne n'aurait plus vigoureusement rejeté la notion que la philosophie est l'art de vivre avec grâce face au désespoir. Il n'était pas attiré par Montaigne, qu'il appelait « le sceptique le plus à craindre, car il est le mieux portant [13] ». Plus proche de Pascal, il souffrait, à la pensée de sa propre ignorance, les tortures des damnés. Incapable de découvrir les secrets de la création, y compris sa propre raison d'être, il criait d'angoisse [14]. Par moments, il fut même près de perdre sa foi au progrès scientifique. « Je me désole, confessait-il, à chaque prétendue vérité que l'on découvre, car ce n'est pas là celle que je cherche, la Vérité une et entière, qui seule guérirait mon esprit malade [15]. » Mais, en fin de compte, il ne sortit pas plus vainqueur de son combat avec la vérité que Jacob de sa lutte avec l'Ange. En tant que moraliste ou philosophe, il n'a guère de disciples. Comme ses contemporains Taine et Renan, il ne nous offre aucun système cohérent, acceptable logiquement, mais bien plutôt l'écho d'un dialogue intérieur. Parfois, il se rapproche de Hugo ou de Michelet, parfois de Taine, parfois de Claude Bernard ou de Littré, parfois de Schopenhauer, parfois de Renan, parfois de Hegel. A certains moments, il se réfugie dans le rêve, comble le gouffre de l'inconnu à l'aide de brillantes hypothèses, crée une nouvelle religion, entrevoit l'espoir d'un monde heureux engendré par la science. Mais, dans ses moments plus lucides, il reconnaît les pauvres limites de ses contemporains et de sa propre connaissance, il avoue que leur faibles yeux sont encore incapables « de pénétrer et de saisir toutes les lois » ; il envisage l'éventualité que la science n'apporte jamais le bonheur, tout au plus peut-être, pour une élite restreinte, une certaine sérénité [16]. En somme, sa vie est telle que, dans le fond de son cœur, il l'avait pressentie, à l'âge de vingt ans, lorsqu'il écrivait à Baille: « Ce seront toujours ces élans vers Dieu, ces cris d'une âme qui demande avec des pleurs la sainte croyance des temps évangéliques, ce seront ces blasphèmes d'un cœur ulcéré par le doute [...] ce sera toujours ce poète [...] ne faisant plus de la littérature avec un traité de rhétorique, mais avec les blessures de son cœur [17]. » Cet échec de Zola à saisir la vérité ne saurait diminuer notre admiration pour lui. Nous l'admirons pour les mêmes raisons que celles pour lesquelles il admirait Jacob dans cet essai. C'était un lutteur [18]. Il ne reculait pas devant une entreprise impossible [19]. Il avait conscience d'être engagé dans une lutte sacrée. Il savait qu'il perdrait, mais il persista dans son effort pour vaincre, ne fût-ce que pour offrir un exemple à ceux qui lui succéderaient. Ce fut un vaillant combattant. Comme Harry Levin le remarque, « surely no comparable man of letters with the exception of Poe had tried so hard to grasp the scientific imagination [20] ». L'étendue de réalité qu'il embrasse dans ses œuvres est immense [21]. En somme, comme l'Ange le dit de Jacob, il « s'est fait fort contre Dieu ». Il assume le même rôle qu'il attribue à Pascal, celui de l'homme luttant contre Dieu; il offre au monde le spectacle d'une pensée supérieure qui, au sein de ses erreurs, découvre des parcelles sublimes de vérité [22]. Dans L'Œuvre, la lutte avec l'Ange, tout en gardant la plupart des significations qui lui sont attachées dans cet essai, en prend de nouvelles. Elle devient un symbole, comme Zola l'indique dans la première phrase de l'Ebauche, de « la lutte de l'artiste contre la nature, l'effort de la création dans l'œuvre d'art, effort de sang et de larmes pour donner sa chair, faire de la vie; toujours en bataille avec le vrai, et toujours vaincu ... [23] ». Ici, plus clairement que dans l'essai, la lutte sacrée entre l'homme et son adversaire divin, que ce soit la vérité, la nature, la destinée ou Dieu, semble être motivée par le besoin d'union. A travers Claude, Jacob prend la forme d'un amant essayant d'étreindre la nature qui lui échappe, Pygmalion impuissant [24], mystique manqué, âme damnée [25]. Au lieu de saisir la nature sur sa toile, il ne parvient qu'à peindre son désir insatiable [26] ; il crée une idole monstrueuse, la Femme, « cette idole d'une religion inconnue [...] faite de métaux, de marbres et de gemmes, épanouissant la rose mystique de son sexe, entre les colonnes précieuses des cuisses, sous la voûte sacrée du ventre [27] ». Quand, désespéré, il finit par se pendre devant sa toile, Zola nous le montre « la face tournée vers le tableau, tout près de la Femme au sexe fleuri d'une rose mystique, comme s'il lui eût soufflé son âme à son dernier râle [28] ». Dans ce contexte, il n'est pas surprenant que la lutte avec l'ange soit associée aux images de fécondité, de procréation et de parturition. La lutte entre Jacob et Dieu devient un effort avorté pour créer à l'image de Dieu, ou, comme Zola l'indique dans l'Ebauche, un « effort de sang et de larmes pour donner sa chair, faire de la vie [29] ». Les mêmes associations se retrouvent dans la liste des titres possibles: « Faire un enfant, Faire un monde, Faire de la vie, Création, Créer, Procréer, Engrosser la nature, La lutte contre l'Ange, La défaite, Etre Dieu, Enfantement, Accouchement [30]. » Et, dans le roman, Zola combine, grâce à l'alchimie de la métaphore, les mêmes images. Je n'en citerai qu'un exemple: « Ah! cet effort de création dans l'œuvre d'art, cet effort de sang et de larmes don't il agonisait, pour créer de la chair, souffler de la vie! Toujours en bataille avec le réel, et toujours vaincu, la lutte contre l'Ange [31]. » Il faut préciser qu'ici Zola ne songe pas uniquement à la lutte de l'artiste pour donner naissance à l'œuvre d'art; il pense également au déroulement de la création du monde, déroulement dans lequel l'artiste, selon lui, joue un rôle important. Ainsi la lutte de Jacob est employée, comme peut-être ce fut le cas dans la Genèse, comme symbole cosmogonique. On sait que, pour Zola, la création du monde est un acte continu, se prolongeant peut-être indéfiniment [32]. Son époque lui apparaissait comme l'une des importantes étapes de transition, un relais déterminant dans la marche de la civilisation humaine [33]. Cette vision de l'histoire s'exprime en général chez lui en termes biologiques. Le temps, pour lui, était une femme grosse de l'avenir. Un nouveau monde était en gestation. « Les sots! dédaignant notre époque si belle, si sainte », écrivait-il en juin 1860, par exemple. « Lorsque la mère porte encore son enfant dans son sein, on s'incline devant elle [34] ... » Ces associations entre création artistique, enfantement et création du monde sont au cœur de L'Œuvre. Elles sont particulièrement évidentes dans les titres envisagés, en fin de liste, pour le roman: « Créer, Enfanter, Nos œuvres, Ceci est ma chair, Le Siècle en couche, Fin de siècle, Les Couches du siècle [35]. » Mais elles abondent également tout au long du roman. Ecoutons, par exemple, Sandoz s'adresser à Claude: « Ah! la formule est là, notre révolution moderne n'a pas d'autre base, c'est la mort fatale de l'antique société, c'est la naissance d'une société nouvelle, et c'est nécessairement la poussée d'un nouvel art, dans ce nouveau terrain [36] ... » La lutte de Jacob avec l'Ange semble ainsi représenter entre autres dans la version de Zola, la lutte de l'homme avec l'Ange de la Création [37], l'Ange de l'histoire, la lutte de l'esprit créateur de l'homme pour façonner le monde de l'avenir. L'échec de Jacob, considéré sous cet angle, devient l'expression métaphorique de l'échec de son époque à jouir des fruits du progrès qu'elle a cependant aidé à faire mûrir. Telle est la pensée de Zola dans l'Ebauche: le roman, dit-il, montrera « les contradictions, un commencement d'évolution, le début du XXe siècle: de là, les efforts inutiles, les luttes de Claude [38] ». Comme le Jacob du livre de la Genèse, le Jacob de Zola -- et l'on songe non seulement à Claude mais aux mineurs de Germinal et à tous les autres personnages des romans de Zola qui peuvent, à cet égard, se comparer à Jacob -- est un homme de l'aube, encore à moitié plongé dans le chaos, engagé dans l'effort de la nuit pour donner naissance au jour [39]. Ce n'est pas le Messie, celui qui apportera la lumière, mais son prédécesseur, le patriarche d'où le Messie sera issu. On pourrait tracer un autre parallèle entre L'Œuvre et la lutte de Jacob avec l'Ange -- du moins si l'on accepte l'interprétation de certains commentateurs de cet épisode biblique. Je pense en particulier aux pages célèbres où le père Chardon, ce génie religieux du XVIIe siècle, voit dans ce récit l'histoire d'une conversion spirituelle qui, en transformant radicalement le rapport de Jacob avec Dieu, permet une union plus parfaite. Avant sa défaite, Jacob aimait Dieu, dit Chardon, mais il l'aimait « dans l'amour de soi-même. Et quoi qu'il fît plus d'estime de sa Majesté que de toute autre chose, il aime Dieu en se réservant soi-même, qu'il aime concurremment avec Dieu [40] ». La défaite infligée à Jacob par l'Ange est en réalité une bénédiction, l'emblème, dit Delacroix, « des épreuves que Dieu envoie quelquefois à ses élus [41] ». Elle l'emplit d'humilité, détruit son amour de soi ou, comme le dit Chardon, « le vide de soi-même et le réduit à une pure capacité, pour recevoir les plus riches opérations de la Divinité [42] ». Cette antithèse entre amour de soi et amour total pour Jéhovah se retrouve dans L'Œuvre sous la forme de la tension typiquement romantique entre l'exaltation du moi et la transcendance du moi. On pourrait appliquer aux personnages principaux de L'Œuvre les remarques qu'Albert Béguin fait dans L'Ame romantique et le rêve à propos du jeune Gœthe, de Jean-Paul, de Jean-Jacques et de Diderot: « La révolte titanique et l'humilité mystique, comme toujours, vont de pair: les ambitions prométhéennes du romantisme et le culte du génie qu'on assimile à Dieu sont plus proches de la soumission religieuse et de l'adoration que l'inertie de l'âme qui caractérise la science expérimentale [43]. » René Huyghe, on s'en souvient, montre également, dans L'Art et l'âme, que le culte romantique de l'orgueil tend à emprisonner le moi dans le moi, à détruire toute possibilité de création, à faire éclater le moi et à le transcender [44]. Les deux personnages principaux de L'Œuvre, Claude et Sandoz, l'écrivain, sont, dans une grande mesure, des projections symboliques d'une seule et même personnalité. Chacun d'eux incarne le Jacob métaphysique qui est le véritable personnage du roman. Chacun d'eux est un esprit double, déchiré entre les deux tendances romantiques contradictoires dont je viens de parler, mais, en chacun, l'une de ces deux tendances finit par prendre le pas sur l'autre. Chez Claude, l'orgueil romantique et l'ambition triomphent du désir de dépeindre fidèlement la nature: « Il y a, dit Zola, un romantique au fond, un constructeur. De là, la lutte [....] Ce ne sera pas un impuissant, mais un créateur à l'ambition trop large, voulant mettre toute la nature sur une toile et qui en mourra [45]. » C'est bien, comme le dit Sandoz, « le soldat de l'incréé [46] ». Par moments, nous le voyons « menaçant du poing le ciel, accusant la nature de se défendre, pour ne pas être prise et vaincue [47] ». Sa lutte contre la nature est inséparable de son effort pour « accoucher de son génie [48]. ». Non seulement il veut laisser son empreinte sur l'histoire, mais il veut devenir semblable à Dieu, parfait, immortel, tout-puissant; il veut créer la vie; et c'est ce qui le mène à son ultime défaite et à sa mort (qui a lieu, comme la défaite de Jacob, à l'aube). Sandoz, au contraire, tout en partageant jusqu'à un certain point le romantisme de Claude, fait preuve tout au long du roman de plus de modération. Parlant de l'œuvre de toute sa vie, il dit: « Alors, j'ai trouvé ce qu'il me fallait, à moi. Oh! pas grand-chose, un petit coin seulement, ce qui suffit pour une vie humaine [49] ... » Il ne compte pas sur sa propre force, mais sur la nature. Il renonce non seulement au culte du moi, mais aussi à la croyance à l'âme individuelle: « Ah! bonne terre, prends-moi, toi qui es la mère commune, l'unique source de la vie! toi l'éternelle, l'immortelle, où circule l'âme du monde [....] Oui, je veux me perdre en toi, c'est toi que je sens là, sous mes membres, m'étreignant et m'enflammant, c'est toi seule qui sera dans mon œuvre comme la force première, le moyen et le but, l'arche immense, où toutes les choses s'animent du souffle de tous les êtres [50] ! » Claude essaie de féconder la nature comme un homme le fait d'une femme. Sandoz veut devenir le sein d'où naîtra l'avenir que la nature engendre. Claude est plus proche de Jacob que d'Israël. Sandoz, qui survit à Claude, ressemble plus, au contraire, à Israël qu'à Jacob. Mais, de même que Jacob est l'alter ego d'Israël, Claude est l'alter ego de Sandoz, comme Zola nous le montre clairement lorsqu'il dit de Sandoz à l'enterrement de Claude: « Il lui semblait qu'on allait mettre en terre sa jeunesse: c'était une part de lui-même, la meilleure, celles des illusions et des enthousiasmes, que les fossoyeurs enlevaient, pour la faire glisser au fond du trou [51]. » Cette dualité entre Claude et Sandoz non seulement évoque Jacob-Israël, mais aussi correspond à une dualité dominante chez Zola lui-même, dont il semble avoir conscience lorsqu'il note que la lutte avec l'Ange est l'histoire de sa « vie intime de production, ce perpétuel accouchement si douloureux [52] ». Il est permis d'imaginer l'émotion qui le saisit lorsqu'il écrivit ces dernières pages. La défaite de Jacob, celle de Claude, sont les symboles de son propre échec réitéré. En décrivant le suicide de Claude et son enterrement, il essaie sans aucun doute de se délivrer de l'aspect de sa personnalité représenté par Jacob et Claude. Comme Claude, il était parti à la conquête de la nature. Il avait voulu, comme le Rolla de Musset, échapper à la spécialisation imposée par la civilisation moderne, préserver en lui la liberté, la plénitude et l'unité de l'être qui, dans son esprit, était le partage de l'homme primitif; il avait voulu affirmer son moi, le développer, l'agrandir, le glorifier. « Si vous me demandez ce que je viens faire en ce monde, moi artiste, disait-il, je vous répondrai: "Je viens vivre tout haut" [53]. » Pour lui, le grand artiste était un Michel-Ange, un génie en qui se résumait toute une époque et qui marquerait celle-ci à jamais de sa personnalité. Il ne lui déplaisait pas d'être traité de requin: « Oui, oui, j'en suis fier, je veux bien être le requin. Un requin qui avale son époque [54]. » Ce qui le touchait dans une œuvre d'art, disait-il, ce n'était pas « l'arbre, le visage, la scène qu'on me représente », mais « l'homme que je trouve dans l'œuvre [55] ». Par moments, il alla même jusqu'à exalter le tempérament aux dépens de la vérité, comme par exemple en 1875 lorsqu'il affirmait: « Peu importe [...] le plus ou le moins d'exactitude. Il faut simplement que le spectacle de l'écrivain aux prises avec la nature reste grand; l'intensité avec laquelle il la voit, la façon puissante dont il la déforme pour la faire entrer dans son moule [56] ... » Ainsi s'explique la persistance de son admiration pour Hugo, qu'il perçoit, en une métaphore proche de celle de la lutte de Jacob avec l'Ange, comme un pugiliste aux prises avec la nature. « En France, dit-il, nous avons un grand poète, Victor Hugo, qui est bien l'esprit le plus faux et le plus large qui existe. Il donne de tels coups de poing à la nature, qu'elle sort de ses mains colossale et bossue, avec une fièvre de vie miraculeuse [57]. ») Il nous semble entendre Claude et Jacob parler par la bouche de Zola. Tout comme Jacob aimait Dieu « dans l'amour de soi-même », Zola à ces moments-là aimait la nature « dans l'amour de soi-même ». Il voulait être Dieu. Il voulait être immortel [58], omniscient, omnipotent. Ce qu'il admirait dans les œuvres d'art, disait-il, était « l'individualité puissante qui a su créer, à côté du monde de Dieu, un monde personnel que mes yeux ne pourront plus oublier et qu'ils reconnaîtront partout [59] ». Il se donna une tâche très semblable à celle de Jéhovah dans la Genèse -- et il y réussit en partie. Comme Ferreira de Castro l'a montré: « Fréquemment, il nous est apparu comme un démiurge qui tente d'ordonner le chaos, en lutte avec les éléments que lui-même a déchaînés; et, alors, de ses amples compositions jaillit toute une poésie épique, volcanique, qui illumine le ciel et la terre, l'âme et le corps [60]. » Mais son ambition d'imiter Dieu dépasse de beaucoup les limites de la fiction. Dans un de ses projets de jeunesse, l'épopée intitulée La Chaîne des êtres ou La Genèse, il avait rêvé de la possibilité que l'homme devienne Dieu au cours des âges [61]. Il voulait tout simplement dévorer toute la création, la faire sienne. Comme il le confesse après avoir commencé les Rougon-Macquart, il voulait « prendre la terre, la posséder dans une étreinte, tout voir, tout savoir, tout dire ». « Je voudrais, continue-t-il, coucher l'humanité sur une page blanche, tous les êtres, toutes les choses; une œuvre qui serait l'arche immense [62]. » Ne nous étonnons pas qu'il ait pu mettre ces mots dans la bouche de son porte-parole, Olivier Bécaille : « N'étais-je pas le monde, et tout ne croulerait-il pas, lorsque je m'en irais [63] ? » Ne nous étonnons pas non plus qu'écrire pour Zola ait été source de terribles souffrances [64]. Chacune de ses œuvres fut une défaite aussi admirable mais aussi redoutable que celle de Jacob dans sa lutte avec l'Ange. On dénote cependant dans les œuvres de Zola une tendance opposée à celle dont je viens de parler. A maintes reprises, on sent à quel point il est conscient de sa petitesse, de son ignorance, de son caractère éphémère, de sa dépendance vis-à-vis des forces transcendantales, de son engagement dans un dessein qui le dépasse. Je songe, par exemple, à sa confession à Huysmans, alors qu'il écrivait Germinal: « Je renonce à voir clair dans ce que je fais, car plus je vais et plus je suis convaincu que nos œuvres en gestation échappent absolument à notre volonté [65]. » Il s'achemine peu à peu vers une soumission mystique à une nature divinisée. « Au lieu d'affirmer que le ciel et la terre ont été créés uniquement à notre usage, écrit-il en 1865, nous devons penser plutôt que nous avons été créés à l'usage du grand Tout, de l'œuvre qui s'élabore depuis le commencement des temps. [...] Il y a je ne sais quelle grandeur, quelle paix suprême, quelle joie profonde dans cette idée que Dieu travaille en nous, que nous préparons la terre et l'être de demain, que nous sommes un enfantement [66] ... » Il lutte pour se défaire de son romantisme. Il veut écrire sous la dictée de la Nature. Le désir de devenir le Grand Tout, de rivaliser avec Dieu se double, sans jamais disparaître complètement, d'une attitude plus stoïque, d'une acceptation résignée de sa condition humaine, de son état d'être incomplet et mortel. C'est la voix de ce Zola qui se fait entendre non seulement à travers Sandoz, mais aussi à travers Pauline dans La Joie de vivre [67]. Que l'on songe au lumineux épilogue de Germinal, après l'échec glorieux des mineurs: la vision apocalyptique du soleil levant, des épis mûrissants, de la nature triomphante présage d'un nouvel âge d'or. Que l'on songe au docteur Pascal renonçant humblement à toute intervention dans l'œuvre de la nature, abandonnant son remède universel, cet élixir faustien qui guérissait les malades et rajeunissait les vieillards. Que l'on songe à la décision de Guillaume, dans les dernières pages de Paris, de ne pas faire usage de sa superbombe, mais plutôt de faire confiance au progrès de la science, lent mais inexorable, pour établir le monde meilleur dont il rêve. « Je ne dis point que le vieux combattant qui est en moi n'a pas, par instants, des envies de résistance lorsqu'il croit sentir son œuvre attaquée, dit Zola à un banquet de l'Association générale des étudiants en mai 1893. Mais, en vérité, devant le prochain siècle qui se lève, j'ai encore plus de curiosité que de révolte, plus d'ardente sympathie que d'inquiétude personnelle, et que je périsse donc, et que toute ma génération périsse avec moi, si réellement nous ne sommes bons qu'à combler le fossé, pour aider ceux qui nous suivent à marcher vers la lumière [68] ! » Il reconnaît n'être qu' « un simple romancier, un écrivain qui a deviné un peu parfois [69] » et, rappelant à son jeune auditoire que la science n'a jamais promis le bonheur, il ajoute : « Pour s'en contenter un jour, il faudra sûrement beaucoup de stoïcisme, l'abnégation absolue du moi [70] ... » En 1896, s'adressant de nouveau à la jeunesse, il dit: « Seuls, les braves gens font le plus de vérité qu'ils peuvent, donnent leur effort jusqu'au bout, comme les arbres donnent les fruits sains et naturels de la terre... » Et encore: « J'ai mis ma foi en la vie, je la crois éternellement bonne, l'unique ouvrière de la santé et de la force [71]. » Au fur et à mesure que l'heure de la mort approche, la révolte, la rébellion cèdent de plus en plus à la simple foi en la vie, à l'utilité de l'effort, au désintéressement, à la résolution de se voir non pas comme une fin mais comme un moyen par lequel l'œuvre de genèse divine continuerait. Comme Jacob à Phanuel, il salue avec joie le soleil levant [72]. Dans l'attente du nouveau Messie, il se résigne à n'être qu'un patriarche, un précurseur. Rien n'est plus juste que la remarque de son petit-fils Jean-Claude Le Blond-Zola: « C'est là toute son histoire, sa marche vers la perfection de l'âme, l'oubli de soi-même, dans son souci de glorifier sur terre tout ce qui vit, les êtres et les plantes [73]. » Comme pour Jacob, la défaite devient pour Zola le salut. La défaite du moi devient la victoire de la nature, de la vérité, de la justice, de la beauté, de l'harmonie, de la destinée, de la vie, du Grand Tout, de Dieu. Les Cahiers naturalistes, No 52 (1978), 68-79. ________________________ [1] La Sainte Bible selon la Vulgate, traduction nouvelle avec les dessins de Gustave Doré, Alfred Marne et fils, Tours, 1865, p. 161. Zola avait consacré à Doré un long article, à l'occasion de cette édition. Voir « Gustave Doré », Œuvres complètes, Cercle du livre précieux, Paris, 1966-1970, t. X, pp. 73-79. (Toutes nos références aux œuvres de Zola renvoient à cette édition.) Zola connaissait aussi La Lutte de Jacob, de Bonnat et Jacob et l'Ange, de Gustave Moreau. Voir les Œuvres complètes, t. XII, pp. 955 et 997. Return. [2] Voir Sara Lichtenstein, « Cézanne and Delacroix», Art Bulletin, vol. XLVI (1961,), pp. 55-67, et Jack Spector, The Murals of Eugène Delacroix at Saint-Sulpice, The College Art Association of America, New York, 1967, p. 169. Return. [3] « Les Moralistes français », Œuvres complètes, t. X, pp. 105-113. Return. [4] Le texte français de l'Ebauche a été publié par Patrick Brady: « L'Œuvre», de Emile Zola, roman sur les arts, manifeste, autobiographie, roman à clef, Droz, Genève, 1967, pp. 429-443. Return. [5] Voir Brady, « L'Œuvre », de Emile Zola, pp. 442 et 443. Return. [6] Voir Jules Lemaître, Les Contemporains, 4e série, Société française d'imprimerie et de librairie, Paris, p. 274 : « Au reste, presque tous les artistes et les littérateurs ont, dans ce livre, des attitudes tordues ou écrasées d'athlètes, de cariatides, de damnés de Michel-Ange. L'effort de la production devient une espèce de lutte à main plate, le combat de Jacob avec l'Ange dans une foire de banlieue. » Return. [7] Voir l'appendice III, « Excerpts from the Criticism in Chronological Order ", de The Murals of Eugène Delacroix at Saint-Sulpice, par J. Spector, pp. 162-169; voir aussi Maurice Sérullaz : Mémorial de l'Exposition Eugène Delacroix organisée au musée du Louvre à l'occasion du centenaire de la mort de l'artiste, Editions des Musées nationaux, 1963, Paris, pp. 391 et 392, et Les Peintures murales de Delacroix, Les Editions du temps, Paris, 1963. Return. [8] L'attitude de l'ange dans la peinture de Delacroix choqua plus d'un critique, notamment O. Merson (La Revue contemporaine, 15 mars 1862) et Louis Vitet (La Revue des Deux Mondes, 1er avril 1862). Voir J. Spector, The Murals of Eugène Delacroix at Saint-Sulpice, pp. 165 et 166. Return. [9] Œuvres complètes, t. X, pp. 107 et 108. Return. [10] Œuvres complètes, t, X, p. 110. Return. [11] Œuvres complètes, t. X, pp. 105 et 106. Return. [12] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 678. Return. [13] Œuvres complètes, t. X, p. 109. Return. [14] Voir, par exemple, les derniers vers de Doute (1861 ?), Œuvres complètes, t. XV, p. 934. Return. [15] Œuvres complètes, t. IX, p. 182. Return. [16] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 680. Return. [17] 2 juin 1860, Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 1222. Voir Doute et Religion, notamment le vers: « Si je blasphème ici, Seigneur, suis-je coupable ? » Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 654; et le passage suivant: « Les heures de desespoir s'expliquent, dans des temps troublés comme les nôtres. Que de fois les plus fermes, perdant la terre de vue, s'abandonnant au milieu de l'orage, blasphèment contre leurs croyances ! ». Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 654. Return. [18] Cf. Heinrich Mann, Zola, trad. Yves Le Lay, la Nouvelle Revue critique, Paris, s.d., p. 20 :« Il faut qu'on l'entende. Son œuvre est un combat. " ct. 'aussi René Huyghe, Delacroix, ou le combat solitaire, Hachette, Paris, 1964, pp. 1459, 460 et passim. Return. [19] Voir, par exemple, sa lettre du 19 février 1879, à Valabrègue, Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 1329 : « J'aime les difficultés, les impossibilités. » Return. [20] The Gates of Horn: A Study of Five French Realists, Oxford University Press, New York, 1966, p. 309. Return. [21] Voir H. Mann, Zola, p. 11. Pour Mann, Zola est « l'écrivain qui était destiné entre tous à embrasser la plus grande masse de réel ". Return. [22] Œuvres complètes, t. X, pp. 110 et 111. Return. [23] P. Brady, « L'Œuvre ", de Emile Zola, p. 429. Return. [24] Robert J. Niess remarque, à propos du Chef-d'œuvre inconnu de Balzac et de L'Œuvre : « Both tales are reworkings, somewhat distant, it is true, of the ancient Pygmalion legend ", in Zola, Cézanne and Manet : A Study of « L'Œuvre » , The ' University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1968, p. 8. Return. [25] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 627 : « Il souffrait comme un damné roulant l'éternelle roche qui retombait et l'écrasait. » Return. [26] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 722 : « Etait-ce lui qui, sans le savoir, était l'ouvrier de ce symbole du désir insatiable, de cette image extrahumaine de la chair, devenue de l'or et du diamant entre ses doigts, dans son pain effort d'en faire de la vie ? ») Return. [27] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 722. Return. [28] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 726. Return. [29] P. Brady, « L'Œuvre », de Emile Zola, p. 429. Return. [30] P. Brady, « L'Œuvre », de Emile Zola, p. 442. Return. [31] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 636. Return. [32] Voir, par exemple, « La Géologie et l'Histoire », Œuvres complètes, t. X, pp. 100 et 101. Return. [33] Voir, par exemple, Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 1222 : « Notre siècle est un siècle de transition; sortant d'un passé abhorré, nous marchons vers un avenir inconnu. » Return. [34] Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 1222. Return. [35] P. Brady, « L'Œuvre », de Emile Zola, p. 443. Return. [36] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 566. Return. [37] Voir Bossuet, Elévations, X, VI, Paris, 1858, t. IV, p. 637; et Anatole France, La Révolte des anges, chap. v. Return. [38] P. Brady, « L'Œuvre », de Emile Zola, p. 433. Return. [39] Cf. Ignaz Goldziher, Mythology among the Hebrews and its Historical Development, Cooper Square Publishers, New York, 1967, pp. 97 et sqq. Selon Goldziher, Jacob est un symbole mythologique de la nuit, et l'ange un symbole de l'aube. Return. [40] Père Louis Chardon, La Croix de Jésus où les plus belles vérités de la théologie mystique et de la grâce sanctifiante sont établies, A. Bertier, Paris, 1647. Cité par Henri Bremond, Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux en France, Librairie Bloud et Gay, Paris, t. VII, 1928, p. 73. Return. [41] Sérullaz, Mémorial, p. 391. Return. [42] Cité par Henri Bremond, Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux, t. VII, p. 71. Return. [43] L'Ame romantique et le rêve, essai sur le romantisme allemand et la poésie française, José Corti, Paris, 1960, p. 49. Return. [44] Flammarion, Paris, 1960, p. 447. Return. [45] P. Brady, « L'Œuvre », de Emile Zola, p. 429. Return. [46] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 635. Return. [47] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 605. Return. [48] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 636. Return. [49] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 566. Return. [50] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 567. Return. [51] Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 735. Return. [52] P. Brady, « L'Œuvre » de Emile Zola, p. 429. Return. [53] Œuvres complètes, t. X, p. 26. Return. [54] Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 802. Return. [55] Œuvres complètes, t. X, p. 45. Return. [56] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 427. Return. [57] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 427. Return. [58] Œuvres complètes, t. X, p. 1338 : « En vérité, les poètes auraient tort de nous refuser le désir de l'immortalité. [...] Eh! bon Dieu! quel courage aurions-nous â la besogne, si les plus humbles d'entre nous ne se berçaient pas du rêve de vivre dans les siècles? Notre seule force est là. » Return. [59] Œuvres complètes, t. X, p. 45. Return. [60] « Le Phénoméne Zola ", Présence de Zola, Fasquelle, Paris, 1953, p. 37. Return. [61] Paul Alexis, Emile Zola, notes d'un ami, Charpentier, Paris, 1882, pp. 53-55. Return. [62] Œuvres complètes, t. IX, p. 351. Cité par F. W. J. Hemmings, Emile Zola, 2e éd., The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1966, p. 211. Return. [63] Œuvres complètes, t. IX, p. 744. Cité par Hemmings, Emile Zola, p. 178. Return. [64] Voir, par exemple, Œuvres complètes, t. IX, p. 351 : « Je pleure sur cette montagne de papier noirci : je me désole à penser que je n'ai pu étancher ma soif du vrai, que la grande nature échappe à mes bras trop courts. » Voir aussi Niess, Zola, Cézanne and Manet, pp. 164 et 165. Return. [65] Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 1434. Return. [66] Œuvres complètes, t. X, p. 100. Return. [67] Voir Hemmings, Emile Zola, p. 184. Return. [68] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 677. Return. [69] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 678. Return. [70] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 680. Return. [71] Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 726. Return. [72] Cf. H. Mann, Zola, p. 59 : « De ses derniers regards, il voit monter la première lueur du jour qu'il a aidé à créer... » Return. [73] Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, p. 1189. Return. ![]() Germinal et la pensée religieuse de Zola Ceux qui ont lu Germinal à la lumière des idées religieuses de Zola admettront, j'en suis sûr, que cette œuvre est non seulement imprégnée d'un profond sentiment religieux au même degree, par exemple, que les Contemplations ou les Fleurs du mal -- mais qu'elle est aussi le fidéle reflet, dans ses principales nuances en tout cas, d'une certaine pensée religieuse, celle de Zola d'abord bien entendu et indirectement celle de l'époque: pensée qui se cherche, mouvante, sans véritable cohésion, engagée dans un effort de réconciliation avec la science et le positivisme et dont l'anti-christianisme s'allie à un reste d'attachement à certaines aspirations chrétiennes -- pensée obsédée par les grands problémes métaphysiques et qui vacille entre la foi et le doute, l'optimisme et le pessimisme – pensée de tendance panthéiste, centrée sur le culte de la science, de l'histoire, du progrés, de l'humanité, de la nature, du travail, de la vie, de l'amour. Bref, une soif insatiable pour ce que Zola nomme dans un de ses récits « la Vérité une et entiére, qui seule guérirait mon esprit malade. » Germinal atteste combien Zola, en pleine maturité, s'est éloigné et du catholicisme de son enfance et du vague christianisme romantique de son adolescence. Certes les images chrétiennes ne manquent pas -- que l'on songe par exemple aux descriptions des mines, colorées des images chrétiennes populaires et littéraires de l'enfer. Mais ici comme partout ailleurs dans les romans de Zola, ces images sont déformées. On aurait de la peine à discerner la trace dans Germinal de la dévotion passionnée au Christ ou de l'ardente foi en l'immortalité de l'âme individuelle ou autres doctrines chrétiennes fondamentales qui furent celles de Zola tout d'abord. On peut bien entendu rapprocher l'espoir chrétien de la nouvelle Jérusalem du rêve libéral d'un monde meilleur institué par le progrès ou la tradition chrétienne apocalyptique du millénarisme moderne ; mais cela ne va guére plus loin. Il ne reste presque rien dans la pensée de Zola qui soit de nature nettement et indiscutablement chrétienne. Son anticléricalisme, de plus, occupe la premiére place. Les solutions chrétiennes aux problémes sociaux sont rejetées. Même la notion d'âme humaine individuelle -- ce que Karl Jung appelle « le mythe préservateur de vie de l'homme intérieur » précieusement perpétué pour nous par le christianisme -- frappe par son absence [1]. Mais si Germinal témoigne, comme je viens de le dire, de la déchristianisation de Zola, ce roman témoigne également de l'influence profonde exercée sur lui par certaines idées non chrétiennes qui pour lui comme pour beaucoup de ses contemporains avaient une forte résonance religieuse. Notre réflexion sur le roman nous ramène immanquablement aux nombreuses pages éparses dans l'œuvre de Zola où il célébre ses divers cultes religieux et exprime ses aperçus, ses visions, ses aspirations religieuses. Partout ce sont les mêmes thèmes, les mêmes tendances, les mêmes images, métaphores ou symboles. Je pense, bien entendu, entre autres, à la prédilection de Zola pour diverses formes de panthéisme; à son culte panthéiste de la nature, de la vie, et de l'amour; à son rejet du concept chrétien de l'âme individuelle en faveur de la notion panthéiste d'une âme divine universelle, une âme « épandue partout », comme il l'explique à Jules Lemaitre peu aprés la publication de Germinal, « dans l'être et hors de l'être, dans l'animal dont il est le frére, dans la plante, dans le caillou [2] ». Il est impossible de lire le roman sans être saisi par le sentiment que nous sommes en présence d'un événement cosmique, que la nature n'est qu'un seul et même organisme dont les divers éléments sont solidaires les uns des autres. Les grévistes de Montsou sont peints comme une force de la nature. Tout est animé. Tout participe aux événements historiques qui nous sont narrés: le vent qui balaie la plaine, les nuages, les étoiles, le soleil, la lune. Comme pour insister sur la notion de vie commune, d'âme universelle, Zola donne aux humains des traits animaux ou des caractéristiques généralement associés aux objets inanimés et inversement prête aux animaux ou même aux objets des traits humains. Il est vrai que dans la lettre à Lemaitre que je viens de mentionner comme dans une lettre à Gustave Geffroy écrite à peu près au même moment, Zola s'efforce de donner à cette notion, essentiellement religieuse et intuitive, de l'âme universelle une base philosophique et physiologique; aucune des deux lettres ne laisse entendre que l’âme universelle est identifiée à Dieu [3] ; ailleurs même, en particulier dans le Roman experimental, il semble renoncer au panthéisme comme synonyme de romantisme [4]. Pourtant c'est Geffroy qui le premier perçut dans Germinal « le poète qu'on se refuse généralement à voir, le poète panthéiste qui sait superbement augmenter et idéaliser les choses [5] ». Aucun doute qu'il voyait juste. Les preuves ne manquent pas, à travers les œuvres de Zola, qui confirmeraient que nous avons bel et bien affaire dans Germinal à une vision authentiquement panthéiste. Pendant la plus grande partie de sa vie, y compris l'époque à laquelle il écrivit Germinal, l’Œuvre et la Terre, il se réfère à la notion panthéiste du « grand Tout [6] ». Les contemporains qu'il admire le plus sont en général des hommes inclinant vers le panthéisme -- Hugo, Michelet, Taine, Renan, sans parler de Lucas ou Pelletan [7]. En 1866, alors qu'il se déclare disciple de Taine, il défend avec véhémence la philosophie panthéiste de Spinoza, en qui il voit l'ancêtre principal du positivisme [8]. En 1868, l'année où il se met aux Rougon-Macquart, il commence un essai sur Pissaro, Jongkin, Corot et d'autres paysagistes contemporains en remarquant que le naturalisme en peinture est issu du panthéisme littéraire et s'exclame avec enthousiasme: « Le paysage classique est mort, tué par la vie et la vérité [9] ». En 1896, dans une « déclaration sur le naturisme », il avoue, à propos de l'Hiver en meditation, de Saint-Georges de Bouhélier : « J'aime infiniment le souffle panthéiste qui y règne [10] ». Mais à la lecture de Germinal, notre pensée va peut-être surtout à l'article que Zola composa le 25 juin 1868 après avoir relu l'Oiseau, l'Insecte et la Montagne de Michelet au cours d'un week-end à Gloton. Sous l'influence de Michelet, il venait de faire l'expérience bouleversante de la participation à la vie universelle, à l'âme universelle de la Nature, « puisant une âme fraternelle dans la sève que les arbres partageaient avec moi ». Or dans cet article, il relie très clairement le concept de vie ou d'âme universelle au principe divin, à ce qu'il nomme « la grande mère commune », « la Force première qui mène le monde [11] ». Ne peut-on pas supposer qu'en écrivant Germinal il était encore affecté non seulement par la pensée de Michelet en général, mais aussi, en partie, par cette expérience mystique particulière vécue sous l'influence de Michelet -- supposition d'autant plus autorisée que Sandoz, le porte-parole de Zola dans l'Œuvre, composé juste après Germinal, exprime le même concept panthéiste en des termes très proches de l'article en question ? « Ah ! bonne terre, prends-moi, toi qui es la mère commune, l'unique source de la vie! toi l'éternelle, l'immortelle, où circule l'âme du monde, cette sève épandue jusque dans les pierres, et qui fait des arbres nos grands frères immobiles... c'est toi seule qui seras dans mon œuvre comme la force première, le moyen et le but, l'arche immense, où toutes les choses s'animent du souffle de tous les êtres [12] ». Dans le paragraphe final de Germinal, le mot sève n'apparaît-il pas revêtu des mêmes implications panthéistes: « Un débordement de sève coulait avec des voix chuchotantes... » ? Il est tentant, à ce propos, d'appliquer à Germinal la remarque faite par Zola dans ses notes de travail pour le Docteur Pascal (où, une fois de plus, il identifie la vie universelle à Dieu) : « La vie continue, recommence, c'est l'idée de la série [13] ». Ne peut-on voir dans l'étude sociologique de Montsou qui domine la première moitié de Germinal une révélation de la Vie qui continue? L'étude historique qui domine la seconde moitié du roman -- la grève, le soulèvement des salariés, la lutte du capital et du travail -- n'est-elle pas une vision de la Vie qui recommence, de Dieu se renouvelant? Ne peut-on voir, à la lumière de la définition par Zola lui-même de son thème principal, dans ses prolétariens non seulement des parcelles de l'âme divine universelle mais les acteurs d'un drame qui relève d'une épiphanie? Nous ne pouvons être plus d'accord avec les critiques qui, comme Pierre-Henri Simon, ont été frappés par l'importance de la religion d'Éros dans Germinal, par l'immense respect religieux éprouvé par Zola devant le pouvoir de l'amour et la fécondité illimitée de la nature, ce que Simon appelle si justement le « panthéisme dionysiaque » de Zola [14]. A travers tout le roman, les thèmes historiques, politiques, sociaux et économiques sont associés à des éléments dramatiques et poétiques concernant l'amour, la sexualité et le processus de reproduction en général. La marche terrible de la foule à travers la plaine aboutit à la vision dionysiaque de la mutilation du corps de Maigrat. Sur le manche du couteau avec lequel Jeanlin tue Jules, le Petit Soldat, est gravé le mot Amour. Le heurt avec la troupe correspond à l'arrivée tardive de la puberté de Catherine. La description de l'inondation du Voreux se termine sur la nuit de noces de Catherine et d'Etienne dans la mine et la possibilité que Catherine soit morte enceinte. L'étreinte des deux amants dans les entrailles de la terre est suivie presque immédiatement par l'étreinte d'Étienne et Négrel, le prolétaire et son sauveteur capitaliste, puis par la vision de l'étreinte universelle: « Un débordement de sève coulait avec des voix chuchotantes, le bruit des germes s'épandait en un grand baiser. » Entre-temps, non seulement les mines mais la nature entière se sont transformées d'une vision de l'enfer en un sein maternel, une Terra Mater porteuse de nouvelle vie comme la terre après le déluge: « Encore, encore, de plus en plus distinctement, comme s'ils se fussent rapprochés du sol, les camarades tapaient. Aux rayons enflammés de l'astre, par cette matinée de jeunesse, c'était de cette rumeur que la campagne était grosse. Des hommes poussaient... » Nous nous souvenons alors des derniers vers du poème intitulé Religion, dans lequel le Dieu inaccessible à la raison de Zola lui révéle, par le cœur, l'évangile d'amour où nous sentons, une fois de plus, l'influence de Michelet. Nous nous souvenons aussi de Printemps: Journal d'un convalescent et de la Faute de l'abbé Mouret, ce grand hymne à Éros, où le naturalisme de Zola prend la forme non déguisée d'un culte panthéiste de l'Amour et de la Nature. Nous nous souvenons également de certains passages de Fécondité et d'autres romans postérieurs où l'amour est sacralisé, même divinisé [15]. Nous nous souvenons encore du rêve permanent de Zola, exprimé dès ses premiers écrits, d'une rédemption de l'humanité par la puissance de l'amour. Ou, parmi tant de passages où s'exprime son évangile de l'Amour, nous nous rappelons ceux où il rêve du jour où nous nous unirons tous en une immense étreinte -- mariage universel ou communion d'amour, après la mort ou en un moment à venir de l'histoire. « Je faisais ce rêve que chaque âme va au grand tout, que l'humanité morte n'est qu'un souffle immense, un seul esprit », dit-il à la fin de la Confession de Claude, juste après la mort de Marie. « Sur la terre, nous sommes séparés, nous nous ignorons, nous pleurons de ne pouvoir nous réunir; au-delà de la vie, il y a pénétration complète, mariage de tous avec tous, amour unique et universel [16]. » « Il croit fermement », dit Zola de Michelet dans l'article écrit à Gloton en juin 1868, « que nous nous aimerons en frères le jour où nous nous connaîtrons enfin, et que le monde s'abîmera dans un immense baiser [17] ». Tout ceci n'empêche pas, naturellement, que Zola en écrivant Germinal ait été très probablement influencé par son cuIte religieux ou quasi religieux du travail, par sa tendance à regarder le travail non comme une punition infligée à l'homme après la chute mais comme une valeur suprême, une activité sacrée et rédemptrice associée à d'autres cultes et, comme l'Amour ou la Vie, identifiable à Dieu [18]. Les dernières pages de Germinal en particulier, leur caractère visionnaire, leurs images hallucinatoires d'hommes peinant sous terre, de graines qui germent, de blé qui pousse, le tout éclairé par la lumière printanière du soleil levant, nous ramènent infailliblement aux Quatre Journées de Jean Gourdon, l'une des premières expressions de l'évangile du travail de Zola. Je pense en particulier aux paroles que Zola, comme pour insister sur leur caractère religieux, met dans la bouche de l'oncle de Jean, un prêtre : La terre est un vaste atelier où l'on ne chôme jamais. Regarde cette fleur... pour moi elle est un travail, elle accomplit sa tâche en produisant sa part de vie, une petite graine noire qui travaillera à son tour, le printemps prochain... Si la campagne sourit, c'est qu'elle recommence l'éternelle besogne. L'entends-tu à présent respirer fortement, active et pressée ?... le blé pousse sans relâche... et le jeune soleil qui monte dans le ciel, a charge d'égayer l'éternelle besogne des travailleurs[19] . » Ne peut-on penser que Zola lui aussi se souvenait des paroles de cet étrange prêtre en projetant Germinal? Ne trouve-t-on pas dans ce roman la même idée sous-jacente d'un principe universel, d'un processus universel essentiel à la perpétuation et au renouvellement cyclique de la nature. Comme nous achevons la lecture du roman, nous entendons déjà par anticipation la conclusion de la série des Rougon-Macquart avec son cri d'espoir en ce que Zola appelle dans ses notes pour le Docteur Pascal « l'effort constant de l'humanité laborieuse [20]. » Il aurait pu ajouter, non seulement de l'humanité, mais de la totalité de la Vie, de la totalité de la Nature. En écrivant Germinal Zola ne célébrait-il pas également, tout autant que dans d'autres romans, sa religion personnelle de l'histoire? On se souvient, par exemple, du credo passionné qu'il publie dans le Figaro du 5 septembre 1881 : « On nous reproche de ne pas croire. Je voudrais me mettre debout et faire bien haut mon acte de foi. Je crois à mon siècle, de toute ma tendresse moderne [21]. » On se souvient aussi peut-être que, le 2 juin 1860, dans une lettre à Baille, il reprend ceux de ses contemporains qui affectent de dédaigner leur siècle de transition et de progrès -- « notre époque si belle, si sainte! »-- et les exhorte en ces termes: « Lorsque la mère porte encore son enfant dans son sein, on s'incline devant elle, inclinez-vous donc, brutes, devant notre siècle plein de promesses pour vos petits-neveux [22]. » On serait presque tenté de dire que dans le christianisme expirant de Zola, le cuIte de la Vierge a déjà commencé à être remplacé par le culte de son siècle, ce siècle spécialement choisi par les forces divines de la nature pour enfanter un monde nouveau et meilleur. Ne peut-on pas voir dans la métamorphose de la terre à la fin de Germinal en d'immenses entrailles métaphoriques le symbole du moment historique où se situe l'action du roman? Cette action ne participe-t-elle pas des douleurs de l'enfantement? Le soleil levant de la conclusion n'est-il pas chargé du moins en partie de symboliser l'avénement de ce qui était pour Zola comme pour beaucoup de Français du XIXe siècle, un XXe siècle sacré dont la mission était la rédemption et le salut de l'humanité? Nous ne pouvons pas ne pas évoquer la nouvelle religion que Zola propose dans un essai publié en 1865, « la Géologie et l'histoire» -- religion basée sur la géologie. « Au lieu d'affirmer que le ciel et la terre ont été créés uniquement à notre usage, dit-il, nous devons penser plutôt que nous avons été créés à l'usage du grand Tout, de l'œuvre qui s'élabore depuis le commencement des temps. Nous allons ainsi vers l'avenir, simple manifestation de la vie, phase de la créature, faisant avancer d'un pas la création vers le but inconnu. Il y a je ne sais quelle grandeur, quelle paix suprême, quelle joie profonde, dans cette idée que Dieu travaille en nous, que nous préparons la terre et l'être de demain, que nous sommes un enfantement... » « Non, Dieu ne se repose pas. Hier, aujourd'hui, à toute heure, il travaille en nous, autour de nous. La création continue, 1'Œuvre marche, grandit. Le labeur des mondes est éternel. Nous sentons la terre en enfantement tressaillir sous nos pieds...[23] » Ne pourrait-on pas dire que Germinal -- et non seulement Germinal mais l'ensemble des Rougon-Macquart ainsi que les Trois Villes et les Quatre évangiles -- sont nés en grande partie des pensées exprimées dans cet essai? Comme dans l'essai, les concepts du travail, de la conception, de la naissance, de la création du monde sont intimement liés les uns aux autres et ils le seront de nouveau dans l'Œuvre et dans tant de romans postérieurs. Comme dans l'essai, l'homme n'est qu'une infime partie du grand Tout, participant de l'éternel acte de création du monde, un moyen et non une fin, une force de la nature, une phase de la créature. Comme dans l'essai, le but ultime de l'histoire reste incertain, empreint de mystére. Cependant, comme dans l'essai, les dernières pages du roman expriment une paix suprême, une grande confiance, une joie profonde nées sans aucun doute des mêmes sentiments ou des mêmes intuitions dont le caractère religieux est indéniable. Et ne pouvons-nous voir dans les allusions dans Germinal aux récits gréco-romains et, peut-être, bibliques de la création, l'expression poétique de l'idée, rencontrée dans l'essai, que l'œuvre de la genèse n'est pas terminée, que le monde n'en est encore qu'aux stades préliminaires de sa création, que nous sommes encore en un sens des contemporains de Noé, de Deucalien et de Pyrrha [24] ? La lecture de Germinal nous ramène aussi, bien entendu, au culte de Zola pour la science. Tout autant que dans la plupart des romans, Zola y exprime sa conviction que, et je cite, « la poursuite de la vérité par la science est l'idéal divin que l'homme doit se proposer [25] ». Sa prédilection pour les faits, son désir de baser la présentation de son drame social sur des études scientifiques, de reléguer tout ce qui n'est pas factuel au domaine de l'image poétique, comparaison ou métaphore, tout ceci reflète nettement sa tendance à voir dans la science notre principale source de certitude, aussi limitée soit-elle, à une époque déchirée par l'angoisse et l'interrogation métaphysique [26]. D'autre part, lorsque, dans une célèbre lettre à Céard, il parle à propos de Germinal de « mensonge », ne s'abandonne-t-il pas au penchant, fréquent chez ses contemporains, à donner à la pure spéculation métaphysique une apparence scientifique [27] ? Comme Renan, Taine, et bien d'autres, non seulement il espère que la science pourra éventuellement satisfaire nos aspirations religieuses et philosophiques les plus profondes, mais il tend, dans son impatience, à devancer la vision divine que la science doit, selon lui, révéler un jour. Son esprit s'élance, au-delà de l'observation précise, vers ce qu'il croit être -- ou du moins espère être -- l'ultime vérité. Tout en étant frappé par tout ce qui dans Germinal semble exprimer un grand nombre d'idées religieuses chères à Zola, nous ne pouvons cependant nous empêcher de noter l'absence d'unité profonde dans la pensée de Zola, telle qu'elle se fait jour dans ce roman, que ce soit sur le plan religieux ou autre. Si certaines des idées que nous venons de considérer sont plus ou moins compatibles, ce serait une grave erreur de les rattacher à un système ou à une doctrine métaphysique ou religieuse stables ou cohérents. Elles ne sont pas non plus, bien entendu, les seules idées exprimées dans Germinal. On trouverait sûrement dans ce roman, par exemple, des échos du nihilisme de Zola -- en particulier, comme l'a montré David Baguley, dans la conception et le portrait de Souvarine [28]. Il est significatif, par ailleurs, que nulle part Zola ne conteste l'opinion de Jules Lemaitre qui voit dans la philosophie de base de Germinal un sombre pessimisme -- pessimisme que nous pouvons rapprocher des théories alors en vogue de Schopenhauer et Von Hartmann [29]. Zola va même jusqu'à accepter « très volontiers », dit-il, la définition par Lemaitre de la série des Rougon Macquart comme « une épopée pessimiste de l'animalité humaine », ne réfutant que l'emploi du terme animalité [30]. En somme, nous trouvons dans Germinal la même ambiguïté, les mêmes contradictions, le même caractère incertain, nébuleux, que dans l'ensemble de la pensée religieuse de Zola. Je ne considère cependant pas ceci comme un défaut. Au contraire, c'est là, me semble-t-il, l'un des grands attraits de Zola. Nous sommes fascinés par le sentiment d'assister au progrès de ce que les Grecs auraient appelé la métamorphose des dieux. La pensée de Zola est ici comme ailleurs le fidèle miroir de la pensée collective de la société de transition qui fut la sienne. Elle nous rappelle que le réalisme français est le produit d'une époque qui n'a pas encore trouvé sa propre vision de la réalité mais qui la cherche, que l'œil qui observe le monde en proie au chaos est lui-même imprégné du même chaos. Ce que Zola nous donne est essentiellement ce que son époque nous donne: non une religion, mais le témoignage d'une lutte spirituelle [31], d'une dialectique qui renferme peut-être, après tout, le germe d'une religion nouvelle. Mais ceci ne veut pas dire que la réalité est absente de Germinal même si Zola ne la saisit pas entièrement. Au contraire, le roman est profondément marqué par une inoubliable vision de la réalité qui s'y engouffre comme un vent de tempête à travers une vitre brisée. Cette réalité, par sa nature même, ne peut être cernée en une représentation précise et détaillée car il s'agit d'une réalité à l'état primordial, perçue dans sa totalité originelle et, comme le sentait Bakounine (et avant lui Platon), plus vaste que tout système. Le retour au chaos nous ramène en même temps aux entrailles maternelles, source de réalité y compris celle, inconnue encore, de l'avenir. Alors, nous revient à la mémoire la célèbre remarque de Lamennais dans son Esquisse d'une philosophie dont le premier volume parut en 1840, l'année de la naissance de Zola: « Le vieux monde se dissout, les vieilles doctrines s'éteignent; mais, au milieu d'un travail confus, d'un désordre apparent, on voit poindre des doctrines nouvelles, s'organiser un monde nouveau; la religion de l'avenir projette ses premières lueurs sur le genre humain en attente, et sur ses futures destinées [32]. » Les Cahiers naturalists, No 50 (1976), 134-145. ______________________ [1] « The development of modern art with its seemingly nihilistic trend toward disintegration must be understood as the symptom and symbol of a mood of world destruction and world renewal that has set its mark on our age... This peculiarity of our time, which is certainly not of our conscious choosing, is the expression of the unconscious man within us who is changing... So much is at stake and so much depends on the psychological constitution of modern man... Does he know that he is on the point of losing the life-preserving myth of the inner man which Christianity has treasured up for him ? Does he realize what lies in store should this catastrophe ever befall him ? » ; « God, the Devil, and the Human Soul », Atlantic Monthly, CC (nov. 1957), 63. Return. [2] Œuvres complètes, Cercle du livre précieux, Paris, 1966-1970, t. XIV, p. 1439. Return. [3] Œuvres complètes, t. XIV, pp. 1439, 1443. Return. [41] Id., t. X, pp. 979-980, 1395. Return. [5] Cité par Henri Mitterand : E. Zola, Les Rougon-Macquart, édition Lanoux Mitterand, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, t. III, p. 1866. Return. [6] Voir, par exemple, Œuvres complètes, t. l, p. 109 ; t. X, pp. 100, 761. Voir aussi le premier plan détaillé de la Terre, B. N. n.a.f. 10.328, f. 392 : « Et même ses prétendues rigueurs, les mauvaises années, la grêle, le gel, l'ouragan qui verse les blés, l'eau qui les pourrit, tout cela n'est rien dans la marche du grand tout, car cela peut-être est-il nécessaire à l'œuvre que nous ignorons. L'homme en est réduit à la lutte, au travail constant, par une loi qui nous échappe, mais combien cela petit dans le grand tout. » Return. [7] Voir P. D. Walker, « The Survival of Romantie Pantheism in Zola's Religious Thought », Symposium, XXIII (fall-winter 1969), pp. 354-365. Return. [8] Œuvres complètes, t. X, p. 684. Return. [9] Id., t. XII, p. 875. Return. [10] Œuvres complètes, t. XII, p. 715. Return. [11] Id., t. XIII, pp. 114-115. Return. [12] Id, 1. V, p. 567. Return. [13] Cité par Henri Mitterand : E. Zola, Les Rougon-Macquart, édition Lanoux-Mitterand, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, t. V, pp. 1582-1583. Voir aussi pp. 1600-1601 : « La vie, telle est la manifestation divine pour Pascal. La vie, c'est Dieu. Tout par la vie. Le grand moteur, le seul, l'âme du monde. » Return. [14] « Introduction », Œuvres complètes, t. V, p. 20. Return. [15] Œuvres completes, t. VIII, p. 500 : « le divin désir, fabricateur et régulateur du monde... ». Return. [16] Œuvres completes, t. 1, p. 109. Return. [17] Id., t. XIII, pp. 116-117. Comparer Travail, où les mêmes idées sont exprimées. Luc s'écrie en mourant: « Oui, la guerre est morte, c'est l'étape suprême, le baiser entre frères, au terme du long voyage, si rude, si douloureux » (t. VIII, p. 969). Puis, une fois décédé, il entre, nous dit Zola, « dans le torrent d'universel amour, d'éternelle vie », p. 969. Comparer aussi Vérité : Marc « aurait voulu que la fête projetée, pour le retour de Simon, fût une vaste réconciliation, un baiser général... » (t. VIII, p. 1465). Return. [18] Id, t. VI, p. 1246 (Le Docteur Pascal) : « Ce travail géant des hommes, cette obstination à vivre, est leur excuse, la redemption »; t. XIV, p. 1506 : « Je n'ai jamais cru qu'au travail… »; et t. VIII, p. 954 : « le travail seul guide, seul maître et seul dieu... ». Return. [19] Œuvres completes, t. IX, p. 456. Return. [20] Id, t. XIV, p. 1485 (Paris, 22 févr. 1893). Mais on pense à maints autres passages, dans Travail, par exemple: « Nos vies individuelles semblent sacrifiées à l'universelle vie des mondes futures », t. VIII, p. 669 ; « Le travail: ... La vie n'a pas d'autre sens, pas d'autre raison d'être... On ne peut définir la vie autrement que par ce mouvement communiqué qu'elle reçoit et qu'elle lègue, et qui n'est en somme que du travail, pour la grande œuvre finale, au fond des ages », t. VII, p. 682. Return. [21] Id, t. XIV, p. 655. Return. [22] Id, t. XIV, p. 1222. Return. [23] Œuvres complètes, t. X, pp. 100-101. Return. [24] A ce propos, on se souvient aussi du passage suivant, dans le même article: « M. Victor Duruy raconte, bouleversement par bouleversement, l'histoire des anciennes terres. Il étudie à la fois le monde et les êtres, suivant pas à pas fa formation du sol et celle de l'homme. Chaque cataclysme apporte son fragment de continent, chaque race qui se montre apporte sa part de vie. » Les catastrophes racontées dans Germinal, ne sont-elles pas, elles aussi, des catastrophes qui accompagnent la création du monde? (Parmi les sources de ce que M. Guy Robert appelle le mythe zoIien de la Catastrophe se trouve sans doute non seulement la tradition apocalyptique chrétienne mais aussi la tradition scientifique de l'époque de Zola. Peut-être pense-t-on surtout aux théories de Cuvier, que Zola a certainement connues dès son enfance.) Return. [25] Les Rougon-Macquart, édition Lanoux-Mitterand, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, t. V, p. 1600. Cité par D. G. Charlton, Secular Religions in France: 1815-1870 (Oxford, 1963), p. 41. Return. [26] Voir, par exemple, Œuvres complètes: « Tous les problèmes ont été remis en question, la science a voulu avoir des bases solides, et elle est revenue à l'observation exacte des faits. Et ce mouvement ne s'est pas seulement produit dans l'ordre scientifique.. toutes les connaissances, toutes les œuvres humaines tendent à chercher la réalité des principes fermes et définitifs », t. XII, p. 833 ; « Je veux bien ne pas nous mettre sur le terrain philosophique qui n'a pas de solidité.. mais plaçons-nous sur le terrain scientifique », t. X, p. 1334 ; « Si je m'entête dans la règle étroite du positivisme, c'est qu'elle est le garde-fou de la démence des esprits, de cet idéalisme qui verse si aisément aux pires perversions, aux plus mortels dangers sociaux », t. XIV, p. 726. Quant à la structure, à la logique intime, de Germinal, surtout en ce qui concerne les rapports entre les éléments scientifiques, dramatiques et « poétiques », voir P. D. Walker, « L'Ébauche de Germinal », PMLA, LXXX (déc. 1965), pp. 571-583. Return. [27] Œuvres completes, t. XIV, p. 1440 : « Nous mentons tous plus ou moins, mais quelle est la mécanique et la mentalité de notre mensonge? Or -- c'est ici que je m'abuse peut-être -- je cr |